Joint OSCE PA ODIHR Study on Parliamentary Structures for Women MPs

OSCEs Parlamentariske Forsamling 2013-14
OSCE Alm.del Bilag 2
Offentligt
a comparative study
of structures for women
mps in the osce region
Front page photo: A press conference “For Equality in Policy!” held in May 2007 in front of the Jogorku Kenesh
(Parliament) in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, organized by public associations and an initiative group of citizens.
Credit: Eric Gourlan
This study was commissioned by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR).
The opinions and information it contains do not necessarily reflect the policy and position of ODIHR.
September 2013
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Printed in Poland by AGENCJA KARO
Table of contents
Acknowledgements 5
Executive summary 6
1. Introduction: Institution building for gender equality    9
Women’s parliamentary bodies: Parameters of the research    10
Research framework and methodology    13
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body   16
The benefits of having a women’s parliamentary body    17
Presence of women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region    19
One size does not fit all: The design of women’s parliamentary
bodies    20
Typology of women’s parliamentary bodies    21
Conclusion    24
3. Enabling factors   25
Parliamentary and political systems in the OSCE region    25
Enhancing women’s parliamentary presence: The use of special
measures    26
Case Study 1: The Albanian experience of a Women’s Caucus    28
The existence of women’s movements    29
A question of timing    30
Case Study 2: Towards the establishment of a Women’s Parliamentary
Body in Serbia    31
Conclusion    32
4. Organizing for effectiveness   33
Mode of operation and internal organization    33
Case Study 3: Women’s Caucus (GGD) of the Assembly of
Kosovo    34
Women’s parliamentary bodies and their relationship to the
parliament    37
Membership    38
Case Study 4: The Equal Opportunities Group
of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine    39
Leadership, decision-making and procedural issues 41
Case Study 5: Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the Assembly of the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia    42
Objectives and mandates    44
Does structure and organization impact on effectiveness?    45
Conclusion    46
5. Achieving positive outcomes   47
Activities    47
Case Study 6: Women’s Union of the Estonian Parliament    48
The role of parliamentary and political party systems    50
Empowering members    52
Case Study 7: The Network of Women Members of the Finnish
Parliament    52
Conclusion    53
6. Fostering strong relationships   55
Connecting with communities of interest    55
Case Study 8: The Polish Parliamentary Group of Women    56
Relationship building for gender mainstreaming    58
Case Study 9: The Swedish Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender
Equality Issues    60
Formalizing parliamentary relationships    62
Case Study 10: The Women’s Parliamentary Club at entity level in
Bosnia and Herzegovina    64
Conclusion    65
7. Impeding progress: What challenges remain?   66
Case Study 11: The Women’s Parliamentary Co-operation Group in
Latvia    69
8. Conclusions and the way forward   72
An eight-step framework for the establishment of a women’s
parliamentary body    73
9. Recommendations   77
Recommendations to women’s parliamentary bodies    77
Recommendations to parliaments    78
Selected resources    80
Appendix 1: OSCE Ministerial Council Decision 7/09 on Women’s
Participation in Political and Public Life, Athens, 2009   82
Appendix 2: List of respondents   83
Appendix 3: Questionnaire   85
Foreword 5
Acknowledgements
This study was drafted by Dr. Sonia Palmieri, an international expert on gender and women’s
parliamentary representation. The study was commissioned by the OSCE Office for Democratic
Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), and the information it contains does not necessarily
reflect the policy and position of ODIHR.
The study would not have been possible without the support provided by the OSCE Parliamentary
Assembly (PA) and its Special Representative on Gender Issues, Dr. Hedy Fry. The OSCE PA
commitment has been extremely valuable in the dissemination of a specially designed ques-
tionnaire to all OSCE participating States, as well as in the provision of comments and ideas to
continuously improve this study and to promote women’s parliamentary participation across
the OSCE region.
The study also benefitted from all those who generously contributed their time to sharing their
experiences on the establishment and running of women’s parliamentary bodies (a list of re-
spondents can be found in Appendix 2). Similar thanks are extended to the National Democratic
Institute in Ukraine, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and well-known experts on gender issues,
including Lolita Cigane, Lenita Freidenvall, Sonja Lokar, Melanie Sully, Kristina Wilfore and
Olena Yena. Special gratitude is extended to OSCE field operations for their invaluable support
throughout the drafting of the study, to the Parliament of Austria for supporting the ODIHR
Regional Workshop on Parliamentary Structures for Women MPs in the OSCE Region, held
in Vienna in December 2012, and, last but not least, to the representatives who participated in
this event.
6
Executive summary
While the goal of gender parity in parliamentary representation has not yet generally been
achieved, women have still managed to make a significant contribution to the political land-
scape across the OSCE region. Policy and legislative change on gender equality issues, for ex-
ample, has frequently been the result of concerted, collaborative efforts between women inside
and outside parliament.
As a first of its kind in the OSCE region, this study is concerned with the presence and operation
of dedicated women’s parliamentary bodies (alternatively referred to as parliamentary struc-
tures for women members of parliament (MPs)) that promote gender equality and women’s
representation. Women’s parliamentary bodies are a particular form of gender mainstreaming
infrastructure commonly initiated by women parliamentarians in order to promote solidarity,
enhance parliamentary capacity, and advance women’s policy interests.1
Where they have been
established and retained, women’s parliamentary bodies have been recognized as important fo-
rums for advancing gender equality issues, for facilitating cross-party co-operation and agree-
ment on legislative priorities, and for influencing political agendas from a gender perspective
within parliaments.2
This study is the result of a research commissioned by the Organization for Security and Co-
operation in Europe’s (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)
across parliaments in the OSCE region between June and December 2012 to identify the differ-
ent types of women’s parliamentary bodies in existence. Within the framework of the ODIHR
project “Strengthening parliamentary structures for women MPs in the OSCE region”, parlia-
ments were surveyed on good practices in establishing and running such structures, as well
as on the international and OSCE support provided to them. The project forms part of, and
directly feeds into, ODIHR’s broader programming on women’s political participation and par-
liamentary strengthening.
The study initially identifies the women’s parliamentary bodies that have been established in
the OSCE region. In particular the study finds that, among the 36 OSCE participating States
1 Sonia Palmieri, Gender-Sensitive Parliaments: A Global Review of Good Practice, Reports and Documents No. 65
(Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2011).
2 Anna Mahoney, “Politics of Presence: A Study of Women’s Legislative Caucuses in the 50 States”, State Politics
and Policy Conference Dartmouth, Hanover, New Hampshire, 2011.
Executive summary 7
7
surveyed, there are 16 structures for women MPs currently functioning.3
These bodies appear
to be structured and organized in a variety of ways across the OSCE region, indicating that
there is no one model for success.
But what conditions favour the establishment of these parliamentary bodies in the first place?
Are there any enabling factors that can support women MPs in establishing such structures?
While the type of parliamentary and political system in place does not appear to affect directly
the emergence of a women’s parliamentary body, the study finds that the political environment
can influence what type of body emerges. Likewise, the existence of legal gender quotas or vol-
untary measures to support women’s election to parliament does not appear to be a direct in-
dicator of the likelihood that a women’s parliamentary body will be established. Nonetheless,
many women’s parliamentary bodies have played a key role in advocating for the introduction
of gender quota provisions in electoral laws, in lobbying for amendments to gender quota pro-
visions, and/or in monitoring the implementation of quota provisions.
As regards potential enabling factors, the study recognizes and highlights the important role
played by women’s movements. Women’s movements and organizations often facilitate the
establishment of women’s parliamentary bodies, providing women MPs with expertise and
first-hand knowledge of gender issues, and connecting them to the electorate. Furthermore,
women’s movements often serve as the institutional memory of past achievements, current
realities, and lessons learned in the struggle for women’s rights and gender equality.
Having identified women’s parliamentary structures in existence in the OSCE region, the
study goes on to map their mandates, structures, activities and memberships. The main find-
ing here is the broadly informal nature of these bodies across the OSCE region, with meetings
scheduled only as required, and limited dedicated financial and logistical support provided to
these bodies. Notwithstanding the informal structure of these bodies, their approach towards
leadership and procedure is more commonly observed as formalized. Agendas are typically
circulated in advance of a meeting, written rules determine meeting procedure, and leadership
terms are often fixed. Membership options differ widely: while some bodies include men, oth-
ers prefer to restrict their membership to women only. With respect to objectives, it was found
that women’s parliamentary bodies are overwhelmingly committed to influencing policy and
legislation from a gender perspective, and to lobbying on gender equality issues.
On the basis of these findings, the study outlines good practices, and identifies challenges as
well as lessons learned in relation to the establishment and operation of women’s parliamen-
tary bodies. The study finds that political party discipline remains a significant challenge for
women who wish to co-operate across party lines, but does not constitute an insurmountable
obstacle per se. Where women’s parliamentary bodies focus on specific gender issues, they
are often able to work within parliamentary environments characterized by strong party dis-
cipline. This is particularly evident when they focus on issues where parties themselves do
not have conflicting ideological or political stances. By contrast, parliamentary environments
characterized by strong political polarization are shown to render cross-party communication
and co-operation extremely difficult.
The study concludes by presenting an eight-step framework for action and a number of rec-
ommendations aimed at strengthening women’s parliamentary bodies and the way in which
3 A similar structure was also surveyed in the Assembly of Kosovo, thus bringing the total number of structures to
17. All reference to Kosovo, whether to the territory, its institutions, or population, in this text should be under-
stood in full compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244.
8
parliaments work with them. In particular, women’s parliamentary bodies are encouraged to
work towards building consensus on issues that can be supported across the political spec-
trum, and to develop and maintain strong relationships both inside and outside the parliament
– notably with other organizations that work towards the achievement of gender equality.
Parliaments, in turn, are urged to support the work of these parliamentary bodies, for example,
by implementing pro-active policies to increase the number of women MPs and promote them
to leadership positions within the parliament. At the same time, parliaments should provide
adequate resources to these bodies. Where resources are not available, they should facilitate
the meetings of women’s parliamentary bodies and encourage the establishment of stronger
links between these bodies and the more institutionalized organs of the parliament, such as
dedicated committees on gender equality, social policy issues or human rights, and/or other
institutions of parliamentary leadership.
Overall, the study aims to help women MPs in the OSCE region interested in strengthening
their role within their respective parliaments through mechanisms such as women’s parlia-
mentary bodies, and to promote a greater understanding of the value and functioning of these
bodies. This is intended as a first step towards the implementation of future projects and re-
search on the topic, to further advance women’s political participation and their substantive
representation within national parliaments.
Executive summary 9
Introduction: Institution
building for gender equality
In 2013, women held just over 20 per cent of the seats in national parliaments worldwide; in the
OSCE region, this figure has currently reached 24.4 per cent in lower houses of parliament.4
While the march towards gender equality in political life continues, at the very least this
figure acknowledges women’s now irreversible place in politics. To support this trend, OSCE
participating States have agreed, through a series of commitments, to “encourage and promote
equal opportunity for full participation by women in all aspects of political and public life, in
decision-making processes and in international co-operation in general.”5
Nevertheless, scope for even greater change in the way parliamentary institutions themselves
are structured and run still remains. A consistent finding in research on women in parliaments
is that the onus for continued change – in terms of increasing the number of women elected,
eradicating the ‘masculine’ culture of parliament, and making ‘substantive’ legislative change
in favour of gender equality – is on women.6
Where parliaments have made steps towards these
milestones, more often than not it has been because of the tireless work of women members of
parliament (MPs).
As Childs, Lovenduski and Campbell have argued, laying the responsibility for such change at
the hands of women alone sets up ‘unhealthy expectations’ of women parliamentarians.7
When
these expectations are not met, women’s contribution to the political sphere is questioned:
“why do we need women in parliament?”8
4 Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in national parliaments, http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm, accessed July
2013.
5 Document of the Moscow Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE, 1991, Art. 40.8.
6 Julie Ballington, Equality in Politics: A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments, Reports and Documents No. 54
(Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2008).
7 Sarah Childs, Joni Lovenduski, and Rosie Campbell, Women at the Top: 2005 Changing Numbers, Changing Politics?
(London: Hansard Society, 2005).
8 See the 2012 debate on women’s participation in parliament initiated by Joshua Foust and Melinda Haring:
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/06/22/who_cares_how_many_women_are_in_parliament and the
response from Susan Markham, Director of the National Democratic Institute: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/
articles/2012/06/29/the_missing_50_percent.
10
For some researchers, the proportion of women in parliament makes a difference. Based on the
work of Kanter, the commonly cited ‘critical mass’ target has presented commentators with
the promise of difference (e.g., that women will change the institution, will introduce more
gender-sensitive legislation, will be represented in positions of parliamentary and political
leadership) once they represent at least 30 per cent of the legislature.9
The theory has come
under pressure, however, considering that women parliamentarians do not act in isolation of
the institutions in which they work, and that parliaments are ‘gendered institutions’. That is,
parliaments, having been dominated by men since their creation, have historically tended to
resist the equal participation of women and have often perpetuated established norms about
what is appropriate work for men and women.10
A more comprehensive line of inquiry focuses on the role of the parliament itself in addressing
gender equality. Not only does this shift the weight of responsibility for change from women
to the institution as a whole, but it also provides an opportunity for more systemic and sus-
tainable change. The question is now more about the circumstances under which the institu-
tion allows for or facilitates change, rather than how many women are needed to achieve it.
Parliamentary institutions and procedures – and their level of gender-sensitivity – can play an
important role in supporting MPs in exercising the power entrusted to them by the electorate.
One effective way to do so could be through the establishment of mechanisms, or infrastruc-
ture, that allow all parliamentarians – men and women – to work towards gender equality.
Such infrastructure might come in the form of a women’s caucus, a dedicated committee on
gender equality, or an advisory group on gender issues. Accordingly, this study looks in detail
at one type of gender mainstreaming infrastructure – parliamentary structures for women
MPs – and how these structures can make parliaments more gender-friendly and enhance
women’s substantive representation in legislatures.
Women’s parliamentary bodies: Parameters of the research
The establishment of parliamentary structures for women MPs is not a completely new phe-
nomenon. Indeed, mechanisms for enhancing women’s political influence have been created
and prioritized in many parliaments in Africa, Latin America and Asia.11
With strong support
from international actors, the bulk of existing research and good practices emerges from struc-
tures established in these regions. These regions are likely to have established cross-party
women’s parliamentary bodies in order to affect policy processes and outcomes, specifically
by influencing the political agenda and setting priorities, channelling women’s interests in
legislative reform processes, and facilitating capacity development for women parliamentar-
9 Rose Kanter, “Some effects of proportions on group life: Skewed sex ratios and responses to token women”,
American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 82, No. 5, 1977, pp. 965–990.
10 Drude Dahlerup, “From a small to a large minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics”, Scandinavian Political
Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4, 1988, pp. 275–298; Georgia Duerst-Lahti and Rita Mae Kelly (eds.) Gender Power, Leadership
and Governance (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996); Janice Yoder, “Rethinking Tokenism: Looking
beyond numbers”, Gender & Society, Vol. 5, No. 2, 1991, pp. 178–192. Yoder’s critique of Kanter is premised in
the argument that the critical mass thesis confounds four factors: “numeric imbalance, gender status, occupa-
tional inappropriateness, and intrusiveness”. That is, “increases in the number of lower-status members threaten
dominants, thereby increasing gender discrimination in the forms of harassment, wage inequities and limited
opportunities for promotion” (pp. 178–180).
11 Keila Gonzalez and Kristen Sample, One Size Does Not Fit All: Lessons Learned from Legislative Gender Commissions
and Caucuses (Lima: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) and National
Democratic Institute (NDI) for International Affairs, 2010); Claire McLoughlin and Seema Khan, “Helpdesk
Research Report: Cross-party Caucuses”, Governance and Social Development Resource Centre, 2009.
Introduction: Institution building for gender equality 11
ians. Thus far, however, there has been no systematic assessment of parliamentary structures
for women MPs in the OSCE region.12
There is little comparative information in the OSCE
region about the real impact of women’s parliamentary bodies in terms of influencing policy
outcomes, and still less about correlations between impact on the one hand, and structure,
mandate and activities on the other. This study aims at beginning to fill this gap.
This study takes a comparative approach to women’s parliamentary bodies. It seeks to identify
the range of women’s parliamentary bodies that have been created, the circumstances under
which they were created, and the extent to which they have become effective mechanisms for
promoting gender equality issues and empowering women parliamentarians in the OSCE re-
gion. In particular, the following analysis aims to:
• identify parliaments in the OSCE region that currently host such structures, have estab-
lished or attempted to establish these structures in the past, or plan to create them in the
future;
• map the mandate, structure, membership and activities of these structures;
• analyse the data collected in order to outline good practices, success stories, challenges and
lessons learned; and
• offer an eight-step framework for action to support the establishment or re-vitalization
of a women’s parliamentary body, and present a number of tailored recommendations to
women’s parliamentary bodies as well as to parliaments more broadly.
This study is based on data collected from specially designed questionnaires sent to 55 parlia-
ments13
within the OSCE region, with the support of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA),
its Special Representative on Gender Issues, Dr. Hedy Fry, and its secretaries of delegations,
between June and November 2012. Responses were received from 36 parliaments14
plus one
response from the Assembly of Kosovo (producing a response rate of 66 per cent).15
As the study will demonstrate, a wide variety of women’s parliamentary structures have been
established in the OSCE region. Among all the respondents to the survey, 16 OSCE participat-
ing States acknowledged the existence of a body that ‘brings women together’.16
Keeping in mind that 11 of the 16 women’s parliamentary bodies surveyed among OSCE partic-
ipating States have been established since 2008, the present study can only begin to examine
the impact that such structures may have and to assess the influence of the political environ-
ment on their functioning. Accordingly, the study does not aim to derive correlations or causal
linkages between women’s parliamentary bodies on the one hand, and the broader political
and parliamentary context on the other. Nor does it attempt to draw conclusions regarding
regional trends in the emergence of such structures, or predict the best environment in which
these bodies will flourish. Further research will be necessary, in order to better understand
political complexities, patterns and regional trends.
12 The 57 States of the OSCE include countries from Europe, Central Asia and North America, and comprise the
world’s largest regional security organization. As Mongolia officially joined the OSCE in November 2012, its par-
liament was not surveyed as part of this project.
13 Questionnaires were disseminated to all OSCE participating States with the exception of the Holy See and
Mongolia. In addition, a questionnaire was sent to the Assembly of Kosovo.
14 Kyrgyzstan and Armenia sent in two responses each.
15 See Appendix 2 for the complete list of respondents.
16 The existence of a similar body was also surveyed in the Assembly of Kosovo, thus bringing the total number of
structures to 17.
12
Importantly, this study embraces the idea that ‘one size does not fit all’. The functioning of
women’s parliamentary bodies is influenced by different external factors; indeed, women’s par-
liamentary bodies are shaped by unique political and parliamentary contexts at the national
level, the presence of women’s movements or other civil society groups, as well as the influence
of international organizations.17
In this vein, the study does not attempt to advocate for one
type of structure to be established over another. Women parliamentarians and their supporters
are the best judges of the political and parliamentary context in which they are operating, and
the type of structures that will best suit their environment.
Having said this, the study does aim to identify common factors that support the establishment
and running of these bodies, as well as good practices that can possibly be replicated in other
parliamentary contexts. To this end, it introduces an analytical framework for understanding
parliamentary structures for women MPs in the OSCE region and the ‘enabling environment’
in which these structures implement their mandates and functions most effectively.
Following an outline of the research framework and methodology, the study begins with an
analysis of what defines a women’s parliamentary structure in the parliaments of the OSCE
17 See Gonzalez and Sample.
2013 Women’s Parliamentary Club,
Bosnia and Herzegovina
1991 Women’s Network, Finland
1991 Parliamentary Group of Women, Poland
1993 The Liberal Women’s Caucus, Canada
1995 Women’s Caucus, Albania; re-established in 2005 and functioned until 2009
1995 Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues, Sweden
1999 Women Delegation, France
2002–2007 Network of Women Politicians, Denmark
2003 Women Parliamentarians’ Club, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
2008 Women’s Network, Norway
2008 Ladies Breakfasts, Austria
2009 Gender Equality Council, Georgia
2010 Union of Women’s Groups, Tajikistan
2011 Equal Opportunities Group, Ukraine
2011 Caucus on Women’s Issues, United States
2011 Women’s Union, Estonia
2011 Women’s Forum, Kyrgyzstan
2013 Women’s Network, Serbia
Figure 1.1 Chronological overview of the ‘bodies that bring women together’ surveyed in the OSCE region
2002–2010 Women’s Parliamentary Co-operation Group, Latvia
Introduction: Institution building for gender equality 13
region. A series of enabling factors for the establishment of such structures is then presented,
followed by a more in-depth analysis of women’s parliamentary bodies by organization, activi-
ties and relationships. The study then presents some of the reported challenges in establishing
and running such bodies, and concludes by outlining an eight-step framework to guide the
establishment or re-vitalization of a women’s parliamentary body, as well as recommendations
to enhance the work currently being done by these structures within the OSCE community.
Research framework and methodology
Through its work, ODIHR has supported initiatives to increase women’s participation in politi-
cal and electoral processes, as members of political parties, as political leaders, and as candi-
dates for public office. ODIHR also supports parliamentary support programmes (PSP) imple-
mented by OSCE field operations. In fact, support to parliamentary structures for women MPs
is an important component of PSP programming in different OSCE participating States, for ex-
ample, in the Western Balkans. ODIHR has long-standing relationships with these PSPs, acting
as a hub for the exchange of knowledge and good practice, including by co-ordinating regional
joint events and contributing expertise and advice on projects. This study was designed with
the intention of collecting information and good practices, to be disseminated and shared with
OSCE field operations, MPs, and other parliamentary stakeholders across the OSCE region.
Existing research conducted in recent years18
suggests that numerous parliamentary bodies for
women MPs have been established, and that they vary widely in design, structure, activities
and degrees of formality. This variety gives rise to the following set of questions:
1) Which parliaments in the OSCE currently host these bodies, have established or attempted
to establish these in the past, or plan to create these in the future?
2) How are such bodies organized, in terms of mandate, structure and membership?
3) What activities do these bodies generally engage in?
4) What relationships do they build both internally and externally to the parliament?
5) How does the parliamentary regime and level of parliamentary development affect the es-
tablishment and efficacy of these bodies?
6) Are there any good practices or success stories that can be learned from existing bodies?
7) What challenges and lessons can be drawn from them?
For the purposes of this study, a parliamentary body for women is defined according to three
main criteria: organization, activities and relationships. Each of these criteria can be under-
stood in the following terms:
Organization:
• Mode of operation and internal organization: including format, status and frequency of
meetings, staffing and resources;
• Membership, leadership and procedures: including recruitment of members (nominated,
appointed, ex officio), leadership structures, established procedures (agendas, decision-mak-
ing process), required documentation for its establishment and renewal; and
• Mandate and objectives of the body.
18 See, for example, Gonzalez and Sample and McLoughlin and Khan. Further documents can be found in the
Selected Resources section at the end of this study.
14
Activities:
• Main activities of the parliamentary body, the ability of the body to implement those activi-
ties in light of political realities, and the perceived impact of those activities.
Relationships:
• Relationships within the parliament with other parliamentary bodies on gender equality
(e.g. committees or Secretariat entities), with other parliamentary bodies more generally,
with the political leadership as well as the parliamentary administration; and
• Relationships with external stakeholders, namely civil society, academia, the media, the ex-
ecutive, gender equality machinery, international donors, and international organizations.
Figure 1.2 Criteria defining a women’s parliamentary body
Recognizing that MPs work within the confines of their parliamentary institution, it is also
important to assess the broader enabling environment for the effective functioning of such
structures. Where possible, the study has considered the following factors:
• Parliamentary regime: Where relevant, distinctions have been made between presidential
or parliamentary systems, bicameral or unicameral parliaments, strong versus weak politi-
cal party systems, and proportional representation, majority and mixed electoral systems;
• Number and position of women in parliament: The relationship between a ‘critical
mass’ of women (e.g. 30 per cent) and the effectiveness and sustainability of a women’s par-
liamentary structure has been considered. The position of key women or gender equality
advocates in the parliament (e.g. in the Executive, or as Committee chairs) has also been
taken into account.
• Special measures to promote women’s political participation: The prevalence of spe-
cial measures in place to promote women’s political participation has been noted, with
a focus on legal and voluntary gender quotas.
Organization
Activities Relationships
Introduction: Institution building for gender equality 15
15
• Position of body in relation to parliament as a whole: The effectiveness of the body
and its ability to influence mainstream parliamentary processes, as determined by its rela-
tionship to the rest of the parliament, has been considered (e.g. whether the body is a mar-
ginalized structure, integrated into the parliament’s broader processes, or supported by
parliamentary leadership).
Figure 1.3 Enabling environment for the effective functioning of a women’s parliamentary body
To identify the women’s parliamentary bodies currently in existence in the OSCE region, ques-
tionnaires were developed on the basis of a literature review; the questionnaires also incorpo-
rated questions previously used in similar research conducted by ODIHR and other organiza-
tions (the questionnaire can be found in Appendix 3).
Data collected from the questionnaires was supplemented by additional desk and field research
conducted in the OSCE region. The research began with a review of existing literature on
women’s parliamentary bodies (see the section on Selected Resources at the end of this study).
Selected parliaments, which indicated that a women’s parliamentary body existed or used to
exist, were contacted to provide additional information, forming the basis of more detailed
case studies. These case studies, incorporated throughout the body of the study, serve to high-
light what aspects of women’s parliamentary bodies have contributed to their successes and to
pinpoint the challenges encountered in establishing and running these bodies.
Existence
of Special
Measures
Women’s
parliamentary
body
Parliamentary
Regime
Number and Position
of Women in
Parliament
Position of Body
in Relation to
Parliament
16
2. Defining a women’s
parliamentary body
This chapter looks into the different types of women’s parliamentary bodies established in the
OSCE region, as well as the different definitions that have been created to attempt to distin-
guish these bodies from other types of parliamentary structures. A list of potential benefits
connected with the establishment and presence of a women’s parliamentary body is then of-
fered.
To systematize the analysis of women’s parliamentary bodies surveyed by this study, this sec-
tion also introduces a new framework, or typology, for these bodies. In the survey, parliaments
were asked to identify their own women’s parliamentary body, and these results are matched
with the typology proposed in the questionnaire.
Defining a women’s parliamentary body
Perhaps reflecting the diversity of experience around the world, the existing literature offers
diverse definitions of what represents a women’s parliamentary body. They have been defined as:
• “voluntary associations […] which seek to have a role in the policy process. These groups
have standard organizational attributes: a name, a membership list, leadership, and staffing
arrangements”;19
• “[a body] that meets weekly or monthly during session, hires staff, is policy oriented and/or
pays dues”;20
and
• “an institutionalized, bipartisan association of only women legislators who meet more than
once during the legislative session”.21
Thus, for some experts, a women’s parliamentary body is a voluntary association, while for
others, it is something more institutionalized; some researchers require such bodies to be
19 Susan Webb Hammond, Daniel P. Mulholland, and Arthur G. Stevens, Jr., “Informal Congressional Caucuses and
Agenda Setting”, Western Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 4, 1985, pp. 583–605.
20 See Leah Olivier, “Women’s Legislative Caucuses”, National Conference of State Legislatures, Briefing Paper on
the Important Issues of the Day, Vol. 13, No. 29, 2005.
21 Mahoney, op. cit.
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body 17
policy focused, while others do not specify their activities. Some bodies have resources allo-
cated to them by the parliament, while others collect membership fees or are partially funded
by non-governmental or international organizations.
There is, then, no single model of organization, and, as Gonzalez and Sample found, ‘one size
does not fit all’.22
Indeed, women’s parliamentary bodies tend to reflect women legislators’
needs and political leverage, as well as the parliamentary system and the political culture of
a specific country. Their purpose, decision-making mechanisms, attributes, operations, and
areas of activity are commonly decided by those establishing the structure.23
Women’s struc-
tures have also evolved over time, for example, by setting rules for the election of leaders long
after their creation, developing a formal agenda previously non-existent, or even becoming
institutionalized as a gender equality committee.24
Contrary to permanent parliamentary committees specialized on gender equality issues, these
structures tend to remain outside the formal organs of parliament and often benefit from
a higher degree of flexibility of operation. In some cases, both types of structures find a way to
co-operate, combining their strengths to advance policy and legislative initiatives.
Importantly, women’s parliamentary bodies do not always restrict their membership to wom-
en MPs. Some have included men parliamentarians in a clear attempt to ensure that gender
equality issues are not only advanced by women. Other bodies also include the participation of
civil society organizations or representatives of international organizations.
Because of the multiplicity of experiences, scholars have either focused on the formal/infor-
mal aspect of women’s parliamentary bodies,25
or have developed more restrictive definitions
that reflect specific national circumstances.26
This study maintains that, more important than
defining a women’s parliamentary body, is the process of identifying the different factors that
facilitate the establishment and running of these bodies.
The benefits of having a women’s parliamentary body
Regardless of the way a women’s parliamentary body is structured and/or organized, the find-
ings of this and other studies27
suggest that these bodies serve a number of purposes and func-
tions. The reported benefits of establishing such bodies are as follows:
• They promote women’s numerical and substantive representation. As chapter 3 will
explain in more detail, women’s parliamentary bodies often advocate for the introduction
of legal or voluntary gender quotas and other special measures in order to increase wom-
en’s representation in parliaments. For example, the Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the
Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, established in 2003, achieved an
amendment to the Election Code, which ensured that every third place on the political par-
22 Gonzalez and Sample, op. cit.
23 National Democratic Institute, “Women’s Caucuses Fact Sheet” (Washington: NDI, 2008).
24 Mahoney, op. cit.
25 See Kristin Kanthak and George Krause, “Can Women’s Caucuses Solve Coordination Problems among Women
Legislators? Logic, Lessons, and Evidence from American State Legislatures”, Paper presented at Annual Meeting
of the American Political Science Association, Washington DC; 2010, and Palmieri, op. cit.
26 See Mahoney, op. cit.
27 See Gonzalez and Sample, op. cit.; Mahoney, op. cit.; McLoughlin and Khan, op. cit.; and Palmieri, op. cit.
18
ty’s candidate list is allocated to the less represented gender. This measure helped secure
the election of 28 per cent of women MPs in 200628
(see Case Study 5 below).
• They highlight the importance of gender issues within parliamentary processes.
Canada provides a valuable example in this regard. A 2001 article on the effectiveness of
the Liberal Women’s Caucus stated that many women MPs admit that simply asking ques-
tions (for example, on the impact of budget cuts on girls and boys, women and men), rather
than agreeing with the proposed solution, has contributed to important shifts in the politi-
cal culture on Parliament Hill.29
• They serve to ensure that gender equality issues are mainstreamed into legisla-
tive and policy processes. Such bodies can serve to influence the drafting of legislation
and policies in line with gender equality standards, as well as monitor their implementa-
tion. Moreover, these bodies can also lobby for the introduction of processes to review leg-
islation and policies from a gender perspective.30
• They can lobby for the development and adoption of gender equality legislation.
While most women’s parliamentary bodies do not enjoy the power to initiate legislation,
they can nonetheless support the development of legislation on issues of concern to the body,
including gender equality. In Ukraine, for example, the parliamentary Equal Opportunities
Group, established in 2011, indicated that it would concentrate its efforts on ensuring that
the Ukrainian legislation related to equal rights and opportunities conforms to European
standards, and on the drafting of amendments to legislation concerning violence against
women and domestic violence (see Case Study 4 below).
• They influence, and sometimes shape, policy and legislative agendas through
cross-party co-operation. In some contexts, women’s parliamentary structures can influ-
ence legislative and policy agendas by uniting women (and like-minded men) across party
lines in the form of a voting bloc. The voting bloc can use the power of numbers to pass or
block the adoption of legislation. Where party discipline hinders the emergence of formal
cross-party voting blocs, women’s parliamentary bodies can still bring women (and men)
together to develop a stance on specific issues of concern that can be used to influence how
parliamentarians vote.
• They facilitate communication and dialogue within and across parties. In line with
the point above, women’s parliamentary bodies can provide a forum where MPs from dif-
ferent parties come together in an informal, neutral environment to discuss interests of
mutual concern. Where political polarization makes cross-party co-operation difficult, if
not impossible, women’s parliamentary bodies can provide a platform for discussion of top-
ics on which party leaders have not adopted a particular stance. Such topics may include
gender-based violence, non-discrimination, healthcare, and/or children’s rights.
28 National Democratic Institute, “Women’s Caucuses Fact Sheet” (Washington: NDI, 2008); Cvetanka Ivanova, “Women’s
Parliamentary Club in the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”, iKNOW Politics, 2007.
29 Jackie Steele, “An effective player in the parliamentary process: the Liberal Women’s Caucus 1993–2001”,
(Ottawa: Institute on Governance, 2011), www.iog.ca/publications/alfhales2001.pdf.
30 For example, the women’s structure established in the Assembly of Kosovo, the Women’s Caucus Group (GDD),
has among its specific objectives the “harmonization, amendment and drafting of legislation with a gender
perspective lens”. The GDD has successfully lobbied for the adoption of a policy which requires all draft laws
discussed by the Assembly of Kosovo to be screened by the GDD from a gender equality and equal representation
perspective (see Case Study 3).
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body 19
• They provide information to their members and engage in advocacy. Such bod-
ies can engage in research or advocacy on issues of concern to all women parliamentar-
ians, providing support, for example, to individual women parliamentarians engaged in
the drafting or amendment of specific pieces of legislation. They can also raise awareness
on gender equality issues by facilitating dialogue on certain issues between government
and civil society. For example, women’s parliamentary bodies can liaise with NGOs and
members of women’s movements, in order to ensure that the priorities of civil society, and
women’s groups in particular, are conveyed to the parliament. Polish women MPs, for in-
stance, have co-operated with representatives of civil society to raise awareness of gender
equality issues. Members of the Parliamentary Group of Women established in the Polish
Sejm participate regularly in the annual Polish Congress of Women, an event gathering
thousands of women (and men) from across all sectors of Polish society to discuss key is-
sues of concern to women across the country (see Case Study 8 below).
• They provide training and support to their members in the form of mentoring, ca-
pacity building, confidence building, networking, discussion and information sharing.
This helps women MPs but also parliaments to institutionalize gender equality learning,
and, where appropriate, can also facilitate the revival of a previously established women’s
parliamentary structure. In this regard, the Network of Women Members of the Finnish
Parliament organizes seminars and informal events meant to bring together women par-
liamentarians. Such events can enhance the individual capacities of women by providing
a platform for exchange and training (see Case Study 7 below).31
Presence of women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region
The study found that a number of parliaments in OSCE participating States have established
women’s parliamentary bodies. As Table 2.1 shows, of the 36 respondents to the survey, 16,
or just over 40 per cent, acknowledged the existence of a body that ‘brings women together’.
A structure for women MPs used to be present in six of the OSCE participating States, and in
another two, women MPs expressed their desire to establish such a body in the near future.
Twelve OSCE participating States responded that there was no such body.
Table 2.1 Presence and number of bodies that bring women MPs together in the OSCE region (n=36)
Yes, there is one (or more) currently 16 Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Estonia, Finland, France,
Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,
Norway, Poland, Serbia, Sweden, Tajikistan, Ukraine, United States
of America33
Yes, there used to be one 6 Albania, Andorra, Armenia, Denmark,
Latvia, Slovak Republic
No, but there are plans to create one 2 Hungary, Moldova
No, there is no such body 12 Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Germany, Italy, Kazakhstan,
Liechtenstein*, Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Spain
* The questionnaire response from Liechtenstein noted that there was not a ‘body that brings women together’, but
nonetheless detailed the activities of similar bodies.
31 National Democratic Institute, “Women’s Caucuses Fact Sheet” (Washington: NDI, 2008).
32 The existence of a similar body was also surveyed in the Assembly of Kosovo, thus bringing the total number of
structures to 17.
20
According to these numbers, women’s parliamentary bodies have been established in partici-
pating States across the whole OSCE region. Moreover, the number of responding parliaments
that currently host a body (16), have hosted a body in the past (six), or intend to do so in the
future (two) totals 24, which is double the number of parliaments that indicated that no such
body has been established (12).
It is important to identify the different reasons given as to why women’s parliamentary bodies
have not been established or are no longer functioning. Where such bodies no longer function,
an analysis of the reasons why can bring to light lessons learned that may be of use to other
women’s parliamentary bodies. In Armenia, Latvia and Slovenia, the parliaments reported
that the mandate of the body had simply not been renewed, sometimes because there were
too few women elected to the parliament following elections to justify the continuation of the
structure, or too few women MPs were interested in re-establishing the body. This is particu-
larly problematic where the women who created the body are not re-elected, as was the case
in Denmark. In Armenia, a body close to being established was ultimately not formed, due to
difficulties surrounding the question of leadership. In other cases, the renewal of the body was
not achieved due to a lack of support from political parties, a lack of sufficient resources, or
changes in the parliamentary environment that rendered a women’s parliamentary body less
relevant. A further reason was identified in Andorra, where the body’s functions were formally
commissioned to the parliamentary Social Affairs Committee.
Understanding the potential challenges to the establishment or renewal of such bodies can
help women parliamentarians better prepare to address these obstacles.
One size does not fit all: The design of women’s parliamentary bodies
While there is a plethora of types that fall under the category of a women’s parliamentary body,
differences essentially arise around their organizational structure.
A core focus for such bodies is the desire to bring women (and sometimes men) parliamentar-
ians together with the broad aim of facilitating discussion on issues of concern to them. The
way in which a group is formed to facilitate that discussion, however, can vary greatly. As
outlined in Table 2.2 below, the differences essentially revolve around seven criteria: mandate,
formality, structure (or modes of operation), leadership, resources, membership and activities.
Table 2.2 Points of differentiation between women’s parliamentary bodies
Criteria Alternatives
Mandate • Formal issue-based advocacy and awareness raising
• Informal forum for discussion
• Information gathering mechanism
• Policy and legislative review mechanism
• Legislative initiatives
• Empowerment and capacity building of women MPs
• Research body
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body 21
Formality • Formal body of the Parliament, follows parliamentary rules, has specific powers and
privileges
• Formal parliamentary committee or sub-committee (not the focus of this study)
• Informal group recognized by the Parliament
• Informal group not recognized by the Parliament
Mode of operation • Accepted plan of activities
• Regularly scheduled meetings (more than 3/year)
• Infrequent meetings ‘as required’ (less than 3/year)
• Minutes of meetings recorded
• Decisions taken by consensus
• Decisions taken by a vote
Leadership • Leadership positions given to members of governing party
• Leadership positions rotated across parties
• Leadership via a co-chairing mechanism
• No leadership positions (non-hierarchical leadership structure)
• Leadership positions held for a fixed term
Resources • Staff, budget and meeting rooms provided by the Parliament
• Staff and budget partly provided by the Parliament and partly provided by other
organizations
• Staff and budget provided entirely by other organizations
• Budget derived from membership fees
• Meetings held outside Parliament
Membership • Women only
• Men also included
• Women (and men) across all parties
• Women (and men) from one party only, or from the majority coalition only
• Civil society and/or international organizations included
• Former parliamentarians included
Activities • Writing letters, general advocacy
• Conducting inquiries into legislation or policy
• Drafting and sponsoring gender equality legislation
• Monitoring the implementation of laws and international obligations from a gender
perspective
• Organizing social events
• Mentoring of current and future MPs
• Advocating for more gender-sensitive parliaments
Typology of women’s parliamentary bodies
Given the multiple ways in which women’s parliamentary bodies can be organized and struc-
tured, making sense of the diversity of such structures can be a challenge. Therefore, for the
purpose of this study, the seven criteria identified in Table 2.2 – mandate, formality, structure
(or modes of operation), leadership, resources, membership and activities – have been com-
bined into two groups which form two continuing axes. Structure is a composite of formality,
mode of operation, leadership, membership and resources. On this axis, bodies can be classi-
fied as predominantly formal or informal. At one end of the spectrum, a formal body is one
that meets regularly with a pre-determined agenda, in accordance with pre-defined meeting
rules and is supported (and possibly resourced) by the parliament. It might have a hierarchical
leadership structure and clear procedures by which members are included in the group. At the
other end of this continuum, an informal body would meet as required, has no supporting staff
or resources provided by the parliament, and can include a loose affiliation of members.
The second axis delineates the parliamentary bodies’ focus, which combines the mandate and
activities criteria outlined in Table 2.2. At one end of this spectrum, bodies that demonstrate
a parliamentary focus are those that have as their main goal the scrutiny and influencing of parlia-
21
22
mentary legislation, through the tabling of amendments or promotion of gender equality issues
within the parliamentary agenda. At the other end, a body focused on advocacy would concentrate
on lobbying on selected policy issues as well as with gender mainstreaming in a broader sense.
A mapping of the various types of women’s parliamentary bodies according to this typology is
presented in Figure 2.1, and further explained below.
Figure 2.1 Typology of women’s parliamentary bodies*  
* For a detailed description of the various types of women’s parliamentary bodies see Appendix 3.
Formal, parliamentary focused groups such as cross-party women’s caucuses, advisory groups,
or issue-focused groups are those established and recognized by the parliament, which may be
provided with resources (including parliamentary staff, budget and/or meeting rooms). They are
primarily concerned with the review of policy and legislation from a gender perspective, support-
ing the introduction of amendments to such legislation, or advocating for women’s substantive
representation in parliament. These groups tend to restrict their membership to women.
Formal, advocacy focused groups are those that may be similarly resourced by the parlia-
ment (although not to the same extent as parliamentary focused groups) and run as formal
groups with clear leadership structures and meeting rules. They are more concerned with
advocacy on a specific issue or profession, or with similar parliamentary groups in other coun-
tries (e.g. an international network of women’s parliamentary bodies). These bodies may in-
clude the participation of men.
Informal, parliamentary focused groups such as voluntary associations, clubs or networks,
or parliamentary friendship groups, can be differentiated in that they are generally not pro-
vided with resources from the parliament (but may attract some funding from international
or non-governmental organizations). They have less rigid meeting rules and leadership struc-
tures (e.g. may rotate their leadership positions), but are still focused on parliamentary activi-
ties, such as legislative reviews. These bodies may include the participation of men.
Informal, advocacy focused groups tend to be composed of women and men, have a non-
hierarchical leadership structure, meet infrequently on an as-required basis, and have no re-
sources provided by the parliament. They are primarily focused on information gathering, writ-
ing letters, and general advocacy. Platforms involving civil society and research or study groups
are usually very well connected with civil society (and other) organizations outside parliament.
FORMAL STRUCTURE INFORMAL STRUCTURE
Body that is part of an
international network of
parliamentary women’s groups
Profession-Focused Group
ADVOCACY
FOCUSED
    Platform involving civil society
   Study Group
Research Body
PARLIAMENTARY
FOCUSED
Issue-Focused Group
    Advisory Group
Cross-Party Women’s Caucus
   Parliamentary Friendship Group
Internal Party Women’s Caucus
Voluntary Association, Network or Club
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body 23
The range of women’s parliamentary bodies was presented to respondents in the question-
naire. Each respondent was asked to match the women’s parliamentary body in his or her par-
liament with one of the types identified in Figure 2.1 (the results are presented in Figure 2.2).
Most respondents identified their body as a cross-party women’s caucus, followed closely by
a voluntary association, club or network. A cross-party caucus is particularly prevalent among
the Western Balkan states. With the exception of Canada, it might be said that the parliaments
which include a cross-party women’s caucus generally have less disciplined party structures
than those where an internal party caucus has been identified. The case of Canada, however,
is interesting. In practice, the Canadian cross-party caucus generally has not been as active as
some parties’ internal women’s caucuses precisely because of the rigid party discipline that
exists in that (Westminster) parliamentary system.33
The prevalence of a voluntary association, club or network is also noteworthy. These bodies, by
definition, are less reliant on the parliament for resources and support, but perhaps their advan-
tage is a degree of flexibility to address issues of concern to their members (as is the case with
the Swedish Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues; see Case Study 9 below).
The responses reveal that among those parliaments surveyed, there are both formal and in-
formal bodies that tend to be focused on parliamentary work (that is, legislative and policy re-
view), and informal bodies that are focused on advocacy (that is, raising awareness on specific
issues, engaging the community and the electorate in these activities).
Figure 2.2 Categorizing structures for women MPs in the OSCE region*
Albania, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Canada,
Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, the
former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, Poland, Slovak
Republic, United States of
America36
Andorra, Denmark,
Finland, Kazakhstan,
Norway, Serbia, Sweden,
Tajikistan, Ukraine
Canada,
Georgia, Latvia,
Tajikistan
Canada,
Estonia,
United
States of
America
Austria,
Canada,
Norway
Georgia
Note: *The total number is greater than the 16 structures for women MPs reported in Table 2.1, because it includes cur-
rent, former and/or future parliamentary bodies. Also, multiple answers were possible.
33 See Jackie Steele, “The Liberal Women’s Caucus”, Canadian Parliamentary Review, Summer, 2002, pp. 13–19.
34 The figure (10) includes a similar structure for women MPs established in the Assembly of Kosovo.
1
10
Cross-Party
Women’s Caucus
9
Voluntary
Association,
Network or Club
4
Parliamentary
Friendship
Group
3
Issue-
focused
Group
3
Internal
Party
Women’s
Caucus
Platform
Involving
Civil
Society/
Others
24
There were no reported bodies that were primarily formal in structure and focused on advo-
cacy work, or a body that forms part of a larger international network of women parliamentar-
ians. This does not mean that such bodies do not exist at all or indeed that this work is not done
to some extent by any of the bodies surveyed across the OSCE region. Rather, it suggests that
when a parliamentary body is formed in this region, it is either more focused on parliamentary
work, or is a more informal body engaged in advocacy work.
Finally, it is interesting that some parliaments reported more than one type of women’s par-
liamentary body. The case of the United States is illustrative, having both a cross-party and
an issue-specific women’s caucus. This may suggest that where one type of body (for example,
the Cross-Party Women’s Congressional Caucus) has not catered to the specific needs and ob-
jectives of a sub-group of women, that sub-group has simply chosen to form a second caucus
(for example, the Pro-Life Women’s Caucus). This also implies that the formation of a women’s
caucus is more readily accepted in this parliamentary environment.
Conclusion
A number of women’s parliamentary bodies have been established in OSCE participating
States. Around 68 per cent of the parliaments surveyed noted that a women’s parliamentary
body is currently functioning, had previously been established, or there were plans to create
one in the future. Conversely, 32 per cent of the parliaments surveyed indicated that they did
not have one or that they did not have any plans to create one in the future. These bodies ap-
pear to be structured and organized in a variety of different ways across the OSCE region. In
particular, this study noted that these bodies tend to differentiate themselves along seven cri-
teria (mandate, formality, structure, leadership, resources, membership and activities), which
can be further classified along two axes according to their structure and focus.
Presenting this typology to parliaments in the OSCE region, the study found a predominance
of women’s parliamentary bodies that are parliamentary focused, such as cross-party women’s
caucuses and voluntary networks or associations. At the same time, however, the wide range of
bodies already established and functioning in OSCE participating States indicates that there is
no one model for operational success. Rather, the needs and preferences of potential members
are the best guides for deciding what type of body is most suitable for each parliamentary
setting, and for achieving some of the goals and benefits connected with their establishment.
Regardless of how they are structured, women’s parliamentary bodies can provide a wide
range of benefits to their members and parliamentarians more broadly. These benefits will be
explored in more detail through country case studies in the following chapters.
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body 25
3. Enabling factors
Women’s parliamentary bodies do not exist in a vacuum. Taken alone, their internal organi-
zation and activities do not define their ability to achieve positive outcomes. It is important,
therefore, to consider whether and to what extent political and parliamentary systems, institu-
tional arrangements, as well as the activities of broader civil society, play a role in facilitating
the establishment and eventual running of a women’s parliamentary body. In other words,
what factors facilitate or hinder the establishment and running of women’s parliamentary bod-
ies in the OSCE region?
This chapter looks in more detail at the ‘enabling factors’ that can have a positive impact on
whether women’s parliamentary bodies are established in the first place, and what type of
structure and focus these bodies may have. The chapter focuses on external factors, while
subsequent chapters focus on the internal dimensions of how women’s parliamentary bodies
function.
Parliamentary and political systems in the OSCE region
The OSCE region is composed of different parliamentary regimes, as defined by electoral sys-
tems, parliamentary systems, and political party composition. Thirty-three of the parliaments
in the OSCE region are unicameral; 22 are bicameral. Each of the lower houses and unicam-
eral chambers are directly elected. The upper houses of Germany, the Netherlands, Slovenia,
Canada and Tajikistan are indirectly elected or appointed.
Of the 36 OSCE participating States surveyed, proportional representation is used to elect at
least one chamber in 23 legislatures; mixed electoral systems (being those that include ele-
ments of both proportional representation and plurality or majority systems)35
exist in ten leg-
islatures, and majority systems are used in four. Parliamentary systems predominate among
those States that responded to the questionnaire. Only four of the respondents had presidential
systems, and another three reported a semi-presidential system. The vast majority of these
35 Louis Massicotte and André Balais, “Mixed electoral systems: a conceptual and empirical survey”, Electoral
Studies, Vol. 18, No. 3, 1999, pp. 341–366.
26
States are defined as having a multi-party system; two are defined by the Inter-Parliamentary
Union as using ‘dominant’ party systems.36
Survey results indicate that parliamentary women’s bodies have been established in parlia-
ments elected according to all three types of electoral systems (proportional representation,
mixed and majoritarian). Furthermore, these bodies have been established in both parliamen-
tary and presidential systems, and in systems where certain parties have dominated the politi-
cal landscape over long periods of time. It is possible to conclude, therefore, that the type of
parliamentary regime and electoral system in place is not necessarily a predictor of whether or
not a women’s parliamentary body will be established or, indeed, of its effectiveness.
By contrast, some respondents indicated that the political context – for example, the degree
of multi-party co-operation and dialogue that takes place in general, the degree of polariza-
tion characterizing the political environment, and the strength of political party discipline –
rather than political systems, has a potentially greater impact on the emergence and effective
functioning of women’s parliamentary bodies.37
Where political polarization creates a level of
political party discipline that makes cross-party co-operation difficult or unlikely, the estab-
lishment of formal cross-party women’s parliamentary bodies may prove extremely challeng-
ing. This does not mean that cross-party bodies do not emerge under these circumstances, but
rather that they may take another form – for example, as an informal network. In these cases,
cross-party dialogue can be facilitated from the outside, by non-political actors such as inter-
national organizations or civil society.
Enhancing women’s parliamentary presence: The use of special measures
As of July 2013, women’s parliamentary representation in the OSCE region amounted to an
average of 24.4 per cent in unicameral or lower houses, and 22.6 per cent in upper houses.
Although there is some diversity in the proportion of women’s representation across the OSCE
region, this percentage compares favourably with the world average of 21.3 per cent in unicam-
eral or lower houses, and 18.8 per cent in upper houses.38
Nonetheless, it falls short of the 30
per cent recommended by the United Nations.39
36 Inter-Parliamentary Union, PARLINE Database on National Parliaments, http://www.ipu.org/parline/, accessed
March 2013.
37 Discussions with participants held during the OSCE/ODIHR Regional Workshop on Parliamentary Structures
for Women MPs in the OSCE Region, organized 11 to 12 December 2012 in Vienna, within the framework of the
ODIHR project “Strengthening Parliamentary Structures for Women MPs in the OSCE Region”.
38 Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in national parliaments, http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm, accessed July
2013.
39 The UN Economic and Social Council originally proposed the 30 per cent target to be achieved by 1995. In its
1995 Beijing Platform for Action, the United Nations recalled that few countries had achieved this goal and urged
member states to take actions to achieve the target as a means to build a ‘critical mass’ of women’s representa-
tion in political and public life. See http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/pdf/BDPfA%20E.pdf.
3. Enabling factors 27
Table 3.1 Women in national parliaments in the OSCE, by region
Region Lower or Unicameral
houses (%)
Upper houses (%)
OSCE 24.4 22.6
Northern Europe 42.0 --
Europe and North America (excluding Northern
Europe)
22.7 22.6
Western Balkans 20.4 5.8
Commonwealth of Independent States 15.5 12.3
Source : IPU (2013) http://www.ipu.org/parline/
High numbers of women in parliament are often associated with the presence of special meas-
ures to promote women’s political participation. In the OSCE Ministerial Council Decision 7/09
on Women’s Participation in Political and Public Life, adopted during the 2009 Athens OSCE
Ministerial Council, participating States were called upon to “consider possible legislative
measures which would facilitate a more balanced participation of women and men in politi-
cal and public life, especially in decision-making” (see Appendix 1 for key provisions of this
Decision). In the 18 participating States surveyed where at least one chamber has over 25 per
cent of women MPs, special measures (most commonly legislated gender quotas) are used in
ten. Conversely, in those countries where women are least represented, legal quotas have not
been implemented, although some have introduced voluntary party quotas.
Reserved seats, or quotas that legally mandate in a Constitution or an electoral law that a cer-
tain percentage or number among those elected must be women, appear to be used sparingly
among the OSCE participating States, and continue to be marred by some controversy. More
frequently, political parties have introduced voluntary party quotas – quotas voluntarily de-
termined by political parties themselves (see Figure 3.1). In 23 of the States surveyed, one
or more political parties have nominated a target number (or percentage) of women or of the
under-represented sex to be included on party lists or to be elected.
Figure 3.1 Presence of special measures in OSCE participating States
Source: Quota Project (2012) http://www.quotaproject.org
Reserved seats/
Executive appointments
Legislated party/
candidate quotas
Voluntary party
quotas
3
16
23
28
The data suggests that there is no direct correlation between the percentage of women MPs and the
existence of legal or voluntary measures to promote women’s representation on the one hand, and
the existence of women’s parliamentary bodies in OSCE participating States on the other. Indeed,
women’s parliamentary bodies have been established in countries with both high and low percent-
ages of women MPs, in countries that have adopted legal quotas (for example, Poland, Kyrgyzstan
and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), in countries where some political parties have
adopted voluntary quotas or other measures (for example, Austria, Canada, Finland, France, Georgia,
Norway, Sweden and Ukraine), as well as in countries that have not introduced any legal or volun-
tary quotas per se to advance gender representation in parliamentary structures or political parties,
but have introduced other types of special measures, including policy and legal instruments and
programmes, to promote gender equality and women’s participation in political and public life.
Notwithstanding the above, it is worth noting that several women’s parliamentary bodies have
been actively involved in advocating for the introduction of such special measures and/or in
monitoring their implementation. For example, the Polish Parliamentary Group of Women advo-
cated alongside civil society and gender equality organizations for the introduction of an elector-
al quota for candidate lists in the run-up to parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011. Likewise,
the Women’s Caucus of the Albanian Parliament (see Case Study 1 below), which existed in the
2005 to 2009 sitting of the legislature, lobbied together with civil society for the introduction of
a legal gender quota, which was finally achieved in 2008. Alternatively, where electoral gender
quotas have been introduced, women have often grouped together to ensure that increased par-
liamentary representation translates into increased substantive participation of women in par-
liament or to achieve amendments to existing special measures, as was the case of the Women
Parliamentarians’ Club of the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Therefore, it is possible to conclude that, while the existence of special measures (legal or
voluntary) is not a pre-condition for the establishment or running of a women’s parliamentary
body, such measures can provide a common purpose or issue around which women MPs, and
specifically women’s parliamentary bodies, can organize and mobilize.
Case Study 1: The Albanian experience of a Women’s Caucus
Albanian women MPs first established a Women’s Caucus in 1995. In 2005, with the support of the
OSCE, the Caucus was renewed, gathering ten women MPs from the main political parties. The
Caucus forged an effective and co-operative relationship with the Sub-Committee on Juveniles and
Equal Opportunities, which formed part of the Committee on Health, Labour and Social Issues.
Between 2007 and 2009, the Caucus focused its activities on advocating for the adoption of the
Law on Gender Equality in the Albanian Society, which was passed in 2008 with the support of
the national women’s movement, as well as on the reform of the Electoral Code, advocating for the
introduction of a 30 per cent legislated party quota for the less represented gender on party lists.
The Electoral Code was successfully changed in 2008 to require, “for each electoral zone, at least
thirty per cent of the multi-name list and/or one of the first three names on the multi-name list [to] be
from each gender.” In the parliamentary elections of 2009, 23 women were elected, increasing wom-
en’s representation in that chamber from 7 per cent to 16.4 per cent. It has been suggested that one
of the reasons why more women were not elected was the differing interpretations of the electoral
law, with “weaknesses in the formulation of the legal provisions undermin[ing the quota] objective”.40
40 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission to the Republic of Albania, 14 September 2009, p. 18. Available at:
http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/albania/38598.
3. Enabling factors 29
In addition to the quota, the electoral law was also amended in 2008 to introduce a list pro-
portional representation system, whereby the 140 members of parliament are elected across 12
constituencies corresponding to the country’s 12 administrative regions. Under this electoral
system, the lists of candidates are prepared by the political parties. It has been argued that
the change in the electoral system resulted in MPs becoming more loyal to their political par-
ties, and less able to pursue political issues independently, outside their party. Political party
tensions following the 2009 elections eventually culminated in a six-month parliamentary
boycott by the Socialist Party.
In this context, women MPs found it extremely difficult to leave behind their party politics.
Women elected for the first time in 2009, who had actively campaigned on gender issues while
working in the civil society sector and were passionate about those issues, were unable to put
party loyalties aside and find a space for cross-party dialogue. In this political climate, the
re-establishment of a women’s caucus proved too challenging. Nonetheless, it is clear that the
Women’s Caucus that previously functioned in the parliament played a key role in introducing
special measures to promote women’s political participation in Albania.
While women MPs have found it difficult to raise the profile of gender issues and women’s
political representation at the national level, at the local level, several women networks have
had more success. In this regard, the National Platform for Women (NPfW), a network of
1500 women politicians active in local and national-level politics, and supported by the OSCE
Presence in Albania, has successfully raised awareness of gender issues in recent years. In
addition, the main political parties have formed their own internal party women’s leagues/
forums operating at the local level, lobbying for an increased presence of women and their
empowerment within the respective party structures.
In 2012, the Electoral Code was the subject of further reform.41
With the support of several in-
ternational organizations, different women’s networks pulled together to advocate for a strong-
er quota provision, and stronger enforcement provisions. Lack of political will from the main
political parties, however, together with divisions among the women’s groups and their inabil-
ity to find a united position, meant that no substantial amendments were introduced. As a con-
sequence, there were concerns that the gender quota would not be enforced by electoral bodies
during the parliamentary elections in June 2013, and that again this would affect the number
of women elected to the Albanian parliament. In this environment, women parliamentarians
continue to seek ways in which to co-operate across party lines, acknowledging the role that
the previous Women’s Caucus played in lobbying for women’s representation in the past.
The existence of women’s movements
The presence of a women’s movement and/or other women’s civil society groups, coupled with
the degree of their support for a women’s parliamentary body, especially in the phases prior
to and just after its establishment, can be considered an important enabling factor. While the
questionnaire did not survey the existence of a women’s movement in the OSCE participating
States as a mechanism for promoting women’s political participation as such, several respond-
ents noted that the presence of a women’s movement did influence the emergence of women’s
parliamentary bodies.
41 The Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania, 2012, Art. 67, p. 57. Available at: http://www.osce.org/alba-
nia/14464.
30
In the Western Balkans, for example, strong women’s movements functioned before, during
and following the transitions to democracy. In fact, many of the women eventually elected to
parliament in this region were leaders or members of the civil society women’s movement.
Several members of women’s parliamentary bodies in the Western Balkans noted that women’s
parliamentary bodies are more likely to be successful where they maintain strong links to and
relationships with the broader women’s movement.42
This is because women’s movements of-
ten constitute the ‘institutional memory’ of the struggle for women’s rights and gender equal-
ity in a country or region, and, as such, also tend to enjoy the support of society more broadly.
Women’s parliamentary bodies that capitalize on this knowledge and experience are more
likely to be perceived as legitimate by the electorate. The Women Parliamentarians’ Club of
the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is one example of a parliamen-
tary body that has maintained strong links with women civil society activists; the Club often
involves these activists in its activities and outreach. A similar relationship with the women’s
movement was noted by the Women’s Caucus of the Assembly of Kosovo.
Likewise, gender equality outcomes in Slovenia have been achieved, in large measure, due to
the work of a coalition of women from both inside and outside the parliament. In fact, when
partisan competition and personal divisions between women MPs became too strong for a par-
liamentary caucus to function, a broad-based national Parity Coalition was formed, including
individual leaders of women’s organizations, trade unions, experts and leaders of political
party women’s organizations from the left, centre and right wing parties. The Coalition also in-
cluded three highly prominent men. This Coalition is credited with having lobbied successfully
for the introduction of a gender quota in the law on the election of members to the European
Parliament (MEPs), requiring at least 40 per cent of the under-represented sex on party lists.
As a result, the first delegation of Slovenian parliamentarians to the European Parliament was
composed of 42 per cent women.
The Coalition also pressured competing political parties during the 2011 elections to increase
the number of women candidates selected. Two parties which collectively won 35 per cent of
the vote in these elections ran women in 50 per cent of their eligible constituencies.
A question of timing
Timing itself can be an important enabling factor facilitating the establishment of a women’s
parliamentary body. While women’s parliamentary bodies can be established at any point dur-
ing a parliamentary session, it is fair to say that there exist ‘windows of opportunity’ where
the impetus to formalize relations across party lines in the interest of promoting women’s
substantive representation reaches a peak. For example, in the immediate aftermath of parlia-
mentary elections, women parliamentarians may be motivated to capitalize on or formalize
gains in women’s political representation by establishing bodies in which to continue lobbying
on gender equality issues.
Serbia offers an illustrative example in this regard. In Serbia, parliamentary elections in 2012
resulted in a clear gain in women’s representation in the legislature, increasing from 22 per
cent to 33 per cent. A record number of new women MPs took up parliamentary mandates fol-
lowing these elections, many of whom were eager and motivated to establish mechanisms for
42 Discussions with participants held during the OSCE/ODIHR Regional Workshop on Parliamentary Structures
for Women MPs in the OSCE Region, organized 11 to 12 December 2012 in Vienna, within the framework of the
ODIHR project “Strengthening Parliamentary Structures for Women MPs in the OSCE Region”.
3. Enabling factors 31
cross-party co-operation on gender equality issues. In this case, the electoral atmosphere, the
increase in women’s representation, and the high number of women entering parliament for
the first time were factors that, combined, created momentum for the establishment of a cross-
party network. The establishment of a cross-party network in Serbia is explored in more detail
in Case Study 2 below.
Case Study 2: Towards the establishment of a Women’s Parliamentary Body in Serbia
Following parliamentary elections held on 6 May 2012, the proportion of women elected to the
National Assembly of Serbia reached 33 per cent, an increase from 54 to 82 representatives.
The increase is in part attributed to amendments to the legislated gender quota, which now
requires that the lists of political parties contain at least one representative of each sex among
every three candidates (the previous quota provision required one representative of each sex
among every four candidates). Capitalizing on the momentum created by the positive results
of the 2012 elections, women elected to a parliamentary mandate seized the opportunity to
discuss the feasibility of establishing a women’s parliamentary body.
The high number of new women MPs taking up parliamentary seats for the first time con-
tributed to a renewed interest in establishing a cross-party women’s body, mainly as a means
to pursue a legislative agenda in support of gender equality and women’s rights. Preliminary
discussions among interested women MPs highlighted the limited support of political party
leaders for women’s political candidacy and the low level of turnout among women voters;
women MPs recognized the value of cross-party dialogue in developing strategies to address
these issues.
Levels of support for the establishment of a cross-party body varied among Serbian women
politicians – not only between members of different political parties, but also between women
with different years of experience in politics and in the broader women’s movement in the
country. In order to learn more about what type of body would best suit the Serbian parlia-
mentary context, women MPs consulted international organizations and NGOs committed to
empowering women within political parties and parliaments. Benefitting from the support of-
fered by the Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence (BFPE) and the OSCE Mission to Serbia, the
MPs organized and participated in dedicated seminars as well as in peer-to-peer exchanges
with parliamentarians from other countries. Male parliamentary colleagues, such as the Chair
of the Committee on Human and Minority Rights and Gender Equality, attended several of
these events, demonstrating broader parliamentary support for the initiative.
These activities facilitated an exchange between more and less experienced Serbian women
politicians, thus building inter-generational solidarity and understanding. Moreover, women
MPs were exposed to different models of parliamentary bodies (ranging from very formal to
very informal structures) and to successful examples and good practices of women parliamen-
tary structures established in other countries. The exposure to such a range of models and
types helped the MPs come to a consensus about how they wished to proceed and what type of
parliamentary body they wished to establish.
Thus far, developments have been encouraging, with all 82 women MPs establishing a cross-
party Network in February 2013. The MPs decided to establish a Network that is informal in
nature, with no leadership structure per se. Instead, the members agreed to introduce a ‘troika’
co-ordination system, whose members are rotated from among the political parties represent-
ed in the Network, starting with the political party with the most number of seats in the par-
liament. Furthermore, the members committed to develop Terms of Reference for the Network
32
co-ordinators, and agreed that each party would nominate a ‘liaison officer’ to support the co-
ordinator. Open to all 82 women MPs currently sitting in the Serbian parliament, the Network
will welcome close co-operation with men MPs.
During the meeting at which the body was established, members also reached agreement on
four basic goals around which the Network will structure its activities:
• To influence legislation and promote gender equality
• To monitor implementation of legislation relevant to women in society
• To promote the education of women
• To promote women’s solidarity and empower women at all levels of government
Serbian women MPs have decided to proceed by building cross-party co-operation, opting for
a more informal structure with a shared leadership system that has garnered support amongst
the majority of members, instead of a formal cross-party caucus advocated by a more limited
group. To this end, Serbian women MPs have also capitalized on support and expertise from
civil society and international organizations in the initial phase of designing and establishing
the structure. The exposure to successful experiences and alternative models established in
other countries has resulted in a practical exchange of good practices and sharing of knowl-
edge. At the same time, by focusing on select, politically-uncontroversial objectives of interest
to all members, the Network was able to come to a rather quick agreement on programmatic
goals and activities. All these elements should create a solid basis for the Network’s future
activities and challenges.
Conclusion
This chapter has analysed the potential impact of political systems and special measures on
the establishment of women’s parliamentary bodies, and highlighted several external enabling
factors that can facilitate the establishment of these bodies.
It appears that, while the type of parliamentary and political system in place does not directly
affect the emergence of a women’s parliamentary body, the political context can influence
whether and what type of body may emerge. Likewise, while the existence of legal or volun-
tary measures can influence the number of women elected to parliament, such measures do
not appear to be a direct indicator of the likelihood that a women’s parliamentary body will be
established. Nonetheless, the study has found that women’s parliamentary bodies have played
a key role in advocating for the introduction of gender quota provisions into electoral laws,
in lobbying for amendments to these provisions, and/or in monitoring the implementation of
quota provisions. In addition, topics such as special measures can bring women (and men) from
different parties together, creating opportunities for issue-based, cross-party dialogue.
Women’s movements can also serve as an enabling factor facilitating the establishment of wom-
en’s parliamentary bodies, providing women MPs with expertise and connecting them to the
electorate. Women’s movements often serve as the institutional memory of past achievements
and lessons learned in the struggle for women’s rights and gender equality. A last factor that
can influence whether and when a body is established is timing. Women MPs may be more mo-
tivated to establish bodies in the immediate aftermath of parliamentary elections, for example,
in order to capitalize on gains in women’s representation or, alternatively, in order to come
together to ensure that future elections result in more women taking up parliamentary seats.
4. Organizing for effectiveness 33
4. Organizing for effectiveness
As outlined in chapter 2, a primary consideration in the analysis of women’s parliamentary
bodies is the way in which they are structured, particularly in terms of their internal organiza-
tion, their membership and modes of leadership. The way in which a body is organized often
contributes to its ability to achieve the objectives it sets itself. Indeed, challenges faced by
women’s parliamentary bodies are often a consequence of their structure and organization.
A second, but no less important consideration, is the body’s objectives; what it intends to do
once it is established.
This chapter presents the results of the survey in terms of the organization of women’s par-
liamentary bodies. The chapter is also concerned with the question of whether organizational
factors – namely, mode of operation, membership, leadership and objectives – have any per-
ceived impact on the overall effectiveness of women’s parliamentary bodies.
Mode of operation and internal organization
The survey results suggest that women’s parliamentary bodies, where they exist, are organ-
ized fairly informally (see Table 4.1). Meetings are scheduled only when they are required in
11 of the 17 bodies, and formal minutes are kept in half of them. This tends to indicate that the
bodies operate on an ‘as needs’ basis, rather than according to a formalized schedule.
Table 4.1 Organization of women’s parliamentary bodies: Meetings, staffing and resources
Meetings (n=17)
Meetings scheduled only as required 11
Regular meetings scheduled during each parliamentary session 8
Formal meeting minutes are kept 6
Staffing (n=17)
Administrative staff provided by Parliament 7
The body has no permanent staff 6
Research staff provided by Parliament 3
Support staff provided by civil society/international organizations 3
Resources (n=17)
34
The body is allocated a meeting room by the Parliament 11
The body is allocated funding by the Parliament 7
The body receives support from civil society/international organizations 5
Members pay a financial contribution 1
Note: The total number for each group of answers might be greater than ‘n’ as respondents could indicate that multiple
options apply under each heading.
Almost half of the bodies surveyed were allocated administrative staff by the parliament, but
only three were allocated research staff. In six (Albania, Armenia, Estonia, Finland, Kyrgyzstan
and Ukraine), the parliament provided no staff at all. In the case of Estonia, this was linked to
the broader capacity of the Estonian Parliament:
The Estonian Parliament is small and resources are limited. Significant financial support to un-
ions and associations has not been possible. Also, information on gender equality issues and re-
search data are supplemented by universities and research centres, where necessary (Estonia).
Parliaments provided resources to half of the women’s parliamentary bodies surveyed, al-
though they were more likely to provide only a meeting room. The Women Parliamentarians’
Club of the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia created its own website,
hosted on the website of the Assembly, which may be regarded as a type of in-kind support
from the legislature. Another form of in-kind support by the parliament could be the provision
of an intern for the parliamentary body, to assist in organizing meetings, implementing activi-
ties, or taking minutes.
Lastly, only one of the bodies surveyed required their own members to pay a financial contri-
bution (United States of America), and none were funded by political parties. A number of the
women’s parliamentary bodies in the Western Balkans are jointly funded by the parliament
and international organizations. In most of these cases, activities of the body could not be or-
ganized without the financial contribution of international organizations.
The Women’s Caucus of the Assembly of Kosovo is an example of a body that has paid a great
deal of attention to modes of operation and internal organization, operating in a highly struc-
tured manner in order to maximize its impact, as demonstrated in Case Study 3 below.
Case Study 3: Women’s Caucus (GGD) of the Assembly of Kosovo
Established in 2005, the Women’s Caucus is composed of all 40 women MPs that sit in the
unicameral Assembly of Kosovo. The Caucus comprises members from all the political parties
and ethnicities currently represented in the Assembly. Thanks to a gender quota which re-
serves one third of the seats (33 per cent) for the less represented gender, the Caucus has been
able to make effective use of its numbers to raise the profile of women MPs within national
political and social debates, promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment in various
fields (such as women’s entry into, and participation in, parliament, as well as the economy,
the environment and health sectors). Its internal organization as well as the commitment and
dedication of its members, have been keys to its success.
Although it is not recognized formally by the Assembly, the Caucus functions in a highly
structured manner. It has established a Board of seven members – one per political group
represented in the Assembly – from which a President is then elected by secret ballot at the
4. Organizing for effectiveness 35
beginning of every legislative term. The Caucus has adopted its own internal procedural regu-
lations. Meetings are held at least twice a month, supported by an assistant provided by the
Assembly who circulates a set agenda and takes formal minutes.
Two main factors seem to account for this level of organization: first, political parties have
been supportive of the Caucus, or, at the very least, have not opposed its activities; and second,
the Caucus has developed a strong degree of co-operation with all committees (especially with
the Committee on Gender Equality) and the Speaker of the Assembly.
Respect for and attention to the Caucus’s activities has been earned not least through the or-
ganization of highly effective actions that have helped demonstrate the potential impact of the
Caucus. For example, in a demonstration of cross-party unity, all 40 women MPs once left the
chamber, blocking a plenary voting session, due to the fact that their concerns had not been
taken into account. As Ms. Teuta Sahatqija, current President of the Caucus, explained, ‘When
asked about their positions within the political parties, women realise that regardless of the party they
are always under-represented at the decision-making levels. And the common interest for changing
this situation is what ultimately unites us, and makes the work of the Caucus effective.’
The Caucus has also focused on formalizing its activities by adopting a Strategic Action Plan
and elaborating an Annual Action Plan. The plans are drafted with the active involvement of
civil society organizations and international organizations, in order to identify priorities and
the most effective ways to achieve them. Co-operation with partners is sustained through joint
implementation of the Caucus’s activities.
As the figure below shows, the action plans of the Caucus are developed through a multi-level
approach: input is provided at the local level, at the national level through the Assembly and
the Government, and at the international level through the involvement of international or-
ganizations.
At the local level, the Caucus has established ‘branches’ in the form of local women’s caucuses.
Activities of these caucuses include trainings and roundtable discussions on gender issues,
gender mainstreaming, gender budgeting, and other initiatives involving women in the com-
munity and local political leaders. Through these activities, national women MPs are given in-
put into the political issues affecting local communities that should be raised in the Assembly
International
Organizations
Women’s
Caucus
Local
women’s
caucus
Assembly’s
Committees
36
of Kosovo. At the national level, the Caucus is concerned with lobbying for greater women’s
representation and articulating women’s interests and gender equality issues within all the
Assembly’s committees. For example, Caucus members attend meetings of committees that
have no female representation – as observers – and provide advice on legislation from a gender
perspective. The Caucus has also implemented a media strategy – including an agreement with
the national television broadcaster to air gender-sensitive programs on a regular basis – which
has resulted in the Caucus attracting good coverage in the media. In addition, the actions of
the Caucus benefit from input at the international level, as the Caucus often co-operates with
other structures for women MPs in the region, and engages in knowledge exchange with simi-
lar structures established in Europe.
Given the informal nature of the Caucus, funding remains a considerable problem for the im-
plementation of its activities. In this respect, co-operation with partners such as the OSCE,
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), UN Women, the National Democratic
Institute (NDI) and others is extremely important. Such co-operation can increase the body’s le-
gitimacy, demonstrate its adherence to international gender equality standards, as well as result
in the provision of financial or technical expertise by international actors. For example, the OSCE
Mission in Kosovo is currently providing a gender expert/advisor (former MP) to the Caucus,
who acts as a liaison between women’s caucuses at the local level, and the national-level Caucus.
The most recent achievements of the Caucus include:
• In 2012, the Caucus concentrated its activity on the reform of the Rules of Procedure of the
Assembly. The support of several committees was sought on four amendments:
1) more gender-sensitive language shall be adopted in all Assembly documents, including
the rules of procedure, and in Assembly debates;
2) the President of the Assembly shall request the Women’s Caucus to propose a candidate
for the Deputy President of the Assembly;
3) the Chair and Deputy Chair of each committee shall not be of the same gender;
4) the composition of committees shall reflect the political power of political groups, and
gender equality.
• The Caucus articulated its concerns regarding the list of ambassadorial candidates pre-
sented to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, which included only male candidates. The
Caucus therefore called for greater gender balance, resulting in the appointment of several
qualified women to ambassadorial positions.
• A national programme to raise awareness among women on breast cancer prevention was
developed in co-operation with the local caucuses and municipalities, and implemented in
co-operation with local public health services.
The experience of the Women’s Caucus of the Assembly of Kosovo suggests that a structure
for women MPs can be an ‘informal’ body, but still work within the broader parameters of the
Assembly in a highly structured manner. In this case, the leadership is structured according
to the partisan make-up of the Assembly, with a seven-member Board. Formal meetings sup-
ported by a member of the Assembly’s staff are regularly scheduled (twice a month) and min-
utes are taken; there is also a strong degree of co-operation with legislative committees and
the Speaker. This highly structured nature of the Caucus has also meant that the Caucus has
been able to elaborate a Strategic Plan, and jointly implement its Annual Action Plan with the
help of partner organizations.
4. Organizing for effectiveness 37
Women’s parliamentary bodies and their relationship to the parliament
The institution of parliament may have some effect on the ability of women to make changes
to both the parliamentary environment and to legislation. Respondents were asked how the
women’s parliamentary body was recognized by the parliament (see Figure 4.1). Recognition
could take the form of a formal resolution debated or passed in the chamber, or the acknowl-
edgement of the body in the internal rules of the parliament. Likewise, respondents were also
asked whether women’s parliamentary bodies were automatically renewed with each new par-
liamentary sitting, or required renewal on a regular basis (for example, every year or with each
new parliamentary sitting).
Figure 4.1 Relationship of women’s parliamentary bodies to the parliament in the OSCE region
Interestingly, in 65 per cent of cases, the parliament has not resolved or formally decided to
establish a women’s parliamentary body, or to renew that body on a regular basis. Furthermore,
the parliament rarely confers on these bodies the kinds of investigative or legislative review
powers of parliamentary committees or commissions – that is, they are not commonly recog-
nized as an ‘organ’ of the parliament.
For the most part, parliaments do not require onerous information or details for the registra-
tion of women’s parliamentary bodies (see Table 4.2). In most parliaments, however, a name
is required. A membership list and organizational chart were expected in Austria, Estonia,
Georgia and the United States of America, while in Finland and France internal rules were also
required.43
None of the bodies presented financial declarations from members to parliament,
including in the United States, where members are required to pay a membership fee. In the
parliaments of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Kyrgyzstan, the women’s par-
liamentary body was not formally recognized.
43 Similar rules are also required by the Assembly of Kosovo.
37
No Yes
Bodies established by a resolution
or formal decision of the Parliament
No Yes
Resolutions or decisions
renewed on a regular basis
No Yes
21%
65%
35%
65%
35%
79%
Recognized as an organ
of the Parliament
38
Table 4.2 Details required for registration
Name 6 Austria, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, United States of
America46
Membership list and organizational
chart
5 Austria, Estonia, France, Georgia, United States of America
Internal rules 3 Finland, France, Georgia47
Statement of purpose 3 France, Georgia, United States of America
Staff required 2 France, Georgia48
Strategic Plan 2 Finland, Georgia49
Membership
Nine of the parliamentary bodies surveyed included all women MPs, while in another nine,
membership was voluntary, and did not necessarily involve all women members of parliament.
It was reportedly uncommon for bodies to have a formal or written procedure for accepting
members (25 per cent noted the existence of such procedures, and 75 per cent did not). The
Swedish case provides an example of a group with a formal mechanism to appoint members.
The Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues is headed by the Speaker of the
Riksdag, and consists of eight other members, one from each party represented in parliament.
The members are nominated by their respective parties and appointed for one parliamentary
term. In the current 2010–2014 term, all members of the Reference Group are women. In order
to promote a more gender-balanced group, however, each party is asked to nominate two mem-
bers, one regular member and one deputy member, with the deputy sometimes being a man. As
a consequence, the body today consists of eight regular members (all women) and eight deputy
members (three men and five women). Thus, the current gender composition of the body is 100
per cent female permanent members, 62.5 per cent female deputy members and 37.5 per cent
male deputy members.
In the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, representatives from political parties not elect-
ed to parliament are entitled to become members of the Women Parliamentarians’ Club. In
Georgia, the women’s parliamentary body includes representatives of civil society; representa-
tives of international organizations are also allowed to join.
Almost half of the bodies surveyed reported that men could become members (Armenia,
Austria, Canada, France, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine). The number of men included in
such bodies varied from one to ten (in Ukraine). As the case study on Ukraine below demon-
strates, the engagement of men can be critical to the effectiveness of parliamentary bodies
in lobbying for greater gender-sensitivity and gender awareness within parliamentary set-
tings. Not all bodies agreed, however, on the need to include men. The Women’s Caucus of the
Assembly of Kosovo, for example, was established in order to provide a space where women
could come together to articulate their priorities and concerns in a safe environment, and to
build their capacity and confidence to voice these priorities before the parliament as a whole.
In some cases, the restriction of membership to women only is a deliberate design decision.
44 A name was also required by the Assembly of Kosovo.
45 Internal rules were also required by the Assembly of Kosovo.
46 Staff was also required by the Assembly of Kosovo.
47 A Strategic Plan was also required by the Assembly of Kosovo.
4. Organizing for effectiveness 39
Case Study 4: The Equal Opportunities Group of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine
In late 2011, Parliamentary Speaker Lytvyn officially announced the launch of a “cross-
faction deputy association Equal Opportunities”, more commonly referred to as the Equal
Opportunities Group, in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Its announcement was met with some
scepticism. Indeed, the Verkhovna Rada has witnessed several attempts to establish a cross-
party group of parliamentarians with the aim of promoting gender equality issues. Obstacles
have included deeply-rooted divisions between political parties in Ukraine, the low level of
women’s representation in the Verkhovna Rada (eight per cent from 2009 to 2012), and a lim-
ited culture of women’s solidarity.
Members of the group attribute the success of its current incarnation to several factors. First,
all members of the Equal Opportunities Group, regardless of their party affiliation, were in
agreement on the need to protect benefits to single mothers, which a draft law by the Cabinet
intended to cancel; issue-based solidarity was key to defeating the proposed cancellation of
benefits. Second, public awareness about gender inequality has steadily increased in Ukraine.
At the same time, the prospect of parliamentary elections in 2012 created a ‘window of oppor-
tunity’ for women’s groups, politicians and gender experts to join forces to highlight Ukraine’s
poor record of women’s representation in public office.
The Equal Opportunities Group was formally registered in the Rada as a ‘voluntary associa-
tion’ on 6 December 2011. The status of association means that the Group has no formal powers
to influence or vote on legislative initiatives, nor does it receive budgetary resources from the
parliament. Nonetheless, the Group has played a role in the development of the draft law “On
Amendments to the Code of Administrative Offences for settlement of the question of respon-
sibility for violence in the family”, and has also held a roundtable on reproductive rights. The
Group is entitled to propose drafts or amendments to legislation that may then be submitted
by individual MPs. Furthermore, members of the Group advocate within their political par-
ties on various issues, including for the active engagement of women in political life, and for
the introduction of voluntary quotas in party lists. Co-operation between the Group and the
Sub-committee on Gender Equality (a sub-committee of the Committee on Human Rights and
Ethnic Minorities) is limited, partly stemming from the different mandate, objectives and ac-
tivities of these two bodies.
When it was first established, the Equal Opportunities Group adopted an innovative system
of leadership. Until recently, the Group had been co-chaired by three MPs from three different
political parties, with the aim of sharing ownership across party lines and of building cross-
party consensus on gender issues. Unfortunately, more recently, the Group has not been able to
overcome the ideological differences existing between political parties on key issues, resulting
in one party recalling all its members from the Group.
In Ukraine, combating gender-based stereotypes is key to enhancing the role of women in
politics and decision-making, and advocating for increased political participation of women
forms a central part of the Group’s activities. For example, in May 2012, the Group hosted
the high-level conference “Women’s Participation in the Parliamentary Elections of 2012 in
Ukraine”, in co-operation with the OSCE/ODIHR and NDI Ukraine, and with the support of the
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). In this respect, the participation of men
in the Group has been critical; men have been actively engaged in promoting gender equality
and in combatting gender-based stereotypes.
40
Likewise, the Group has sought to forge partnerships and alliances with external stakehold-
ers, namely civil society. The media has been both a target of the Group’s activities, as well as
a key partner. For example, the Group regularly writes a column in the publication “Business
Ukraine” about issues the Group is working on. This partnership serves a dual purpose: raising
the profile of the Group and its activities as well as raising awareness on key gender-related is-
sues of importance to the public – both men and women. Importantly, the Equal Opportunities
Group was established with the support of NDI Ukraine, who continues to assist it in develop-
ing its strategic objectives and activities.
The Group has continued to face several challenges, some of which are similar to the obstacles
confronted by such groups elsewhere in the OSCE region, while others reflect the particular
political culture of Ukraine. These include a high level of political polarization, limited re-
sources, continued gender-based stereotypes regarding women in politics, limited cross-party
co-operation within the Rada, and an insufficient culture of women’s solidarity in Ukraine.
Following parliamentary elections in October 2012 (where women’s parliamentary representa-
tion increased by two per cent), the Equal Opportunities Group was formally re-established as
part of the new convocation of parliament on 25 December 2012. Now with 28 members from
three different political factions, among them ten men, the Group has elaborated a plan of
activities focused on two objectives: the promotion of gender equality, including the participa-
tion of women in all spheres of political and social life, and the development and/or reform of
legislative initiatives in the spheres of domestic violence, protection of the rights of women
and children, and ensuring equal opportunities of men and women in all spheres of life. To this
end, the Group has already elaborated three draft laws relating to prevention of domestic vio-
lence, prohibition of trafficking in children, and provision of equal social protection to single
mothers and fathers. Between January and March 2013, the Group also held several meetings
with a number of NGOs in order to draft a Memorandum as a more solid ground for future co-
operation.
As noted, whilst the Group itself, as an association of MPs, does not have the power to initiate
legislation according to the Rules of Procedures of the Rada, it can elaborate drafts or amend-
ments to legislation which can then be submitted by individual MPs. Furthermore, within their
political parties, the members of the Group will advocate for the active engagement of women
in political life, as well as support the introduction of voluntary quotas in political parties.
As noted in Case Study 4 above, men’s participation in the Equal Opportunities Group in
Ukraine has been particularly helpful in acknowledging and highlighting men’s contributions
to achieving gender equality. The number of men involved increased (from three to ten) in the
parliamentary term following the October 2012 elections, attesting to the growing influence of
the Group. Importantly, men help to combat negative stereotypes prevalent in the community
about women’s political participation and women’s broader role in public life.
Notwithstanding the above, ultimately, the membership and composition of a women’s parlia-
mentary body should be linked to the mandate and objectives of the body. The engagement of
men and/or of external actors such as civil society, academia, or international organizations
may be helpful in achieving objectives related to advocacy, awareness-raising, and partnership
on key legislative initiatives or reforms, while a women-only composition may be preferable
if part of the aim of the body is to provide a safe space for women to voice their needs and
concerns.
4. Organizing for effectiveness 41
Leadership, decision-making and procedural issues
While the internal mode of operation of the bodies surveyed varied in terms of degrees of for-
mality, the approach to leadership in particular appears to be quite formal. Chairs and Deputy
Chairs are more often elected for a fixed term than rotated amongst MPs from different par-
ties or chambers. In Ukraine, a third approach to leadership can be discerned, as the statutory
documents of the Equal Opportunities Group state that the leadership of the Group should
be shared among the three parliamentary political party factions, so as to foster cross-party
solidarity.
The length of a leadership term differs across structures. Respondents noted that allowing
one person to serve as head of the body for the entire sitting provides stability and strategic
direction to the body. This is the case where parliamentary bodies are led by those occupying
positions of leadership within the parliament, for example, the Speaker’s Reference Group on
Gender Equality Issues of the Swedish Parliament and the Gender Equality Council of Georgia,
which is headed by the First Deputy Speaker of the Georgian Parliament. At the other end of
the spectrum, the positions of Chair and Deputy Chair of the Women’s Union of Estonia are
rotated every two months. This approach allows every member of the Union the opportunity
to exercise leadership. In between these two models, the Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the
Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia selects a Chair to serve a one-year
mandate from among a co-ordinating body, allowing for both strategic direction and the op-
portunity for more than one member to hold a position of leadership. In Serbia, members of
the Network established in February 2013 opted not to establish a fixed leadership mechanism.
Instead, the Network is co-ordinated by a rotating troika (one representative of each parlia-
mentary party faction, starting with the largest) that changes every one to two months; the
troika will be supported by liaison officers from each political party.
Other women’s parliamentary bodies have established decision-making or executive entities to
support the strategic development of the body. In Kyrgyzstan, the process of decision-making
itself operates on the basis of consensus among all members. The Women Parliamentarians’
Club of the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has established a co-ordi-
nating body of Deputy Chairs, one representative from each political group. The Chair of the
Club is elected from this co-ordinating group, which meets regularly. Likewise, the Women’s
Caucus of the Assembly of Kosovo includes a Board of seven members that is empowered to
elect the President by secret ballot and provide direction and strategic guidance to the Caucus
as a whole.
It is also worth noting that in Finland, France and Poland, there are positions such as Treasurer,
Secretary or Public Relations Officer.
Just like parliaments themselves, women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region com-
monly have internal rules, circulate agendas before the meeting, and require decisions to be
taken by a vote rather than consensually. Unlike other parliamentary bodies, however, these
bodies are not as commonly given the power to inquire into policy and legislation, draft their
own legislation, or report to the parliament. Parliaments’ responses to the questions of leader-
ship structure and whether parliaments had conferred any particular powers on the body are
reported in Table 4.3.
42
Table 4.3 Organization of women’s parliamentary bodies: Leadership and powers
Leadership and procedure (n=17)
Leadership positions (Chair, Deputy Chair) elected by body 10
Leadership positions rotated across different parties, different chambers, old/new MPs 7
Fixed term for Chair (e.g. 1 year) 7
The body has established positions (e.g. Treasurer, Secretary, Public Relations Officer, etc) 3
The body has internal procedural rules 8
Governing organ established 6
Sub-committees can be established 3
Agenda prepared and circulated to all members before each meeting 11
No agenda circulated 2
Decisions are taken by a vote 10
Decisions are taken by consensus 8
Powers and functions expressed in rules of procedure (n=17)
The body may report to Parliament 5
The body may inquire into policy and legislation, and may call witnesses and request expert submissions 5
The body may draft legislation 4
Note: The total number for each group of answers might be greater than ‘n’ because respondents could indicate that mul-
tiple options apply under each heading.
Case Study 5 below outlines in greater detail the leadership and decision-making procedures
of the Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia.
Case Study 5: Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the Assembly of the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia
Established with the support of women’s civil society organizations within the framework
of the Stability Pact – Gender Task Force programme for South Eastern Europe in 2003, the
Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the Assembly of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
has managed to assert itself as an influential group within the unicameral parliament. All
women Members of Parliament belong to the Club.
The Club has established highly-developed leadership and decision-making structures, with
a co-ordinating body composed of representatives from each political group (Deputy Chairs)
among which a rotated Chairperson is appointed for a fixed period of one year. Meetings of the
co-ordinating body are frequent – two to three times a month – while the entire Club meets
several times during the year; the Club has also adopted internal procedural rules agreed upon
by its members. A Strategic Plan is adopted by consensus after each member has discussed
it with, and received approval from, her political party. At the end of each year, the Club re-
views the activities in the Plan. The Club also has its own website hosted on the website of
the Parliament, which serves to inform parliamentarians and the public of its activities and
achievements.
42
4. Organizing for effectiveness 43
This level of organization requires a high degree of co-operation among the members of the
Club in pursuing the aim of gender equality across party lines. Most of the Club’s members
come from the political majority represented in the Parliament, and therefore have consider-
able success in attracting the Government’s support. However, there have been occasions when
consensus reached among Club members has required them to take a different stance to mem-
bers of their own political party on some issues.
The Club has established a close relationship with the Committee on Equal Opportunities for
Women and Men. The President of the Committee sits on the co-ordinating body of the Club.
This relationship is reciprocated: the Chair of the Club is officially invited to all sessions of the
Committee. This strong relationship results in strategic co-operation between the two bodies.
The Club serves as an informal forum where gender-related policies are debated and agreed upon
across party lines. The policies are then formally discussed within the Committee, giving them
institutional value and providing for the possibility to bring these policies to the attention of the
Minister/Government (see figure below). This policy-formulation process has proven effective: for
example, a number of amendments proposed by the Club have been accepted by the Committee,
and then presented at the ministerial level. The Law for Equal Opportunities of Women and Men
(2012) and the Law on Maternity Leave were passed following this deliberative process.
Co-operation between the Club and NGOs and civil society organizations has also proven fruit-
ful. NGOs assist the Club in organizing trainings, hearings and projects, as well as in the pri-
mary drafting of the Club’s Strategic Plan, giving civil society a voice inside the Parliament.
Local committees on equal opportunities, established in each municipality, are also invited
to discuss their priorities on gender issues. Through these discussions, NGOs and the local
committees on equal opportunities are able to channel their concerns into the Strategic Plan
of the Club. This political strategy to advance gender-related policies is then completed by
Coordinators on Gender Equality present in all Ministry offices.
The most recent activities of the Club have included the promotion of three National Strategic
Plans addressing (i) gender budgeting, following the implementation of a Council of Europe
project on this topic in 2006, (ii) domestic violence and violence against women, and (iii) the
implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.
It is clear that among the women’s parliamentary bodies surveyed, leadership and decision-
making considerations vary widely. Where attention is paid to strategic planning, guidance,
and co-ordination, the existence of decision-making mechanisms – boards or committees – can
help facilitate and guide these processes. Leadership of the body can be determined according
to different formulas; leadership procedures, or at least mechanisms of co-ordination, are insti-
tuted not only to provide direction, but, more importantly, as a means of building cross-party
trust, co-operation and dialogue.
Women
Parliamentarians’
Club
Committee
on Equal
Opportunities
Ministry/
Government
44
Objectives and mandates
Respondents were presented with a list of possible objectives guiding the work of their par-
liamentary body, and asked to rank these in order of priority (on a scale of one to ten, with
ten being the most important); the findings are captured in Table 4.4 below. The results show
that almost all respondents prioritized the objective of influencing policy and legislation from
a gender perspective. This result suggests that women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE
region have been formed because there is a specific role for parliaments in gender mainstream-
ing. Only in Finland was the body concerned with gender budgeting, but here it was a highly
ranked objective.
Table 4.4 Objectives and mandates of women’s parliamentary bodies
9.9 To influence policy and legislation from a gender perspective (n=14)
9 To implement and/or monitor gender budgeting (n=1)
8.2 To lobby for support on gender equality issues (n=12)
8.1 To add items to the parliamentary agenda (n=9)
7.7 To draft legislation and introduce it into the Parliament (n=8)
7.2 To raise awareness both inside and outside the Parliament on gender equality issues (n=11)
7 To review legislation (n=3)
7 To conduct advocacy with civil society organizations (n=5)
6.5 To ensure Parliament’s compliance with international obligations such as CEDAW commitments (n=10)
6 To build capacity and empower women (n=5)
5.6 To create a social space for women and men MPs and foster a sense of solidarity (n=6)
5.5 To hear from relevant stakeholders on gender equality issues (n=6)
5.2 To monitor policy implementation (n=8)
5.5 To conduct or commission research (n=4)
Scale: A weighted index was developed, whereby the higher the score (from 1 to 10), the higher the priority accorded the
objective.
A second set of objectives relate to lobbying and advocacy on gender issues (lobbying for
support on gender equality, adding items to the parliamentary agenda, raising awareness on
gender issues). Not only did a number of bodies regard this as one of their objectives but they
rated it as one of their most important objectives (with a rating of 8 or 7).
Interestingly, few parliamentary bodies prioritized the empowerment of their women mem-
bers, although this may be ultimately a corollary of their stated priorities. Regardless of the
specific objectives and mandate of the parliamentary body, it is clear that women’s parliamen-
tary bodies are established to serve a common, shared goal of their members. The existence of
a unifying goal or purpose serves not only to provide strategic direction to the body, but is also
important in building cross-party trust and co-operation.
4. Organizing for effectiveness 45
Does structure and organization impact on effectiveness?
When asked whether the structure and organization of the body contributed to its effective-
ness, some women’s parliamentary bodies responded that there was a positive association:
The structure and the arrangement of the Forum allow it to work with a high degree of efficiency
as the rules and regulations were developed by women MPs. Because decisions are made by con-
sensus, all suggested changes can affect the decision-making process (Kyrgyzstan).
Yes, the structure and organization of the Network of Women Members of the Finnish Parliament
can work quite effectively. As evidence of this it could be mentioned that the Network has been able
to influence policy and legislation from a gender perspective (Finland).
In Kyrgyzstan, the structure and consensual decision-making process facilitated women’s em-
powerment. In Finland, and to some extent in Sweden, the informality of the Network is under-
stood as one of the keys to its success. In a similar way, in the Assembly of Kosovo, the formal
structure of the Women’s Caucus, with its executive Board and regularly scheduled meetings,
is regarded as a contributing factor to its effectiveness.
Other respondents to the ODIHR questionnaire, however, noted that the structure and organi-
zation were not the decisive factors when considering the bodies’ effectiveness. Instead, broad-
er institutional factors, such as the partisan make-up of the parliament, played a stronger role:
The former model of the Caucus was very effective because it was decided in a very consensual
way. It needed a longer period, to create experience and effectiveness, to be reinforced and to cre-
ate tradition. The situation of the parliamentary mandate 2009 till now has not produced a good
climate for the existence and sustainability of the Caucus. There were efforts by some women MPs
but they did not succeed (Albania).
In a minority government, everything is politicized, and it doesn’t change much in a majority
government. The principal barrier to achieving meaningful action in Canada’s all-party women’s
caucus appears to be a lack of participation by parliamentarians from the governing party. At
the same time, women’s commitment to working together is small. On gender issues, female gov-
ernment MPs usually vote according to their party’s position. Sometimes the minister for women
will ask her members to do a particular study, and it will be done, as the government party has
the majority. This may lead to legislation. Of course, as there are two government members on the
steering committee, the government controls the witness list! And that impacts what is said in the
study. The ultimate commitment is to party, not to women (Canada).
It is interesting to note that, in the cases of Albania and Kyrgyzstan, both emphasized the
consensual nature of decision-making as a factor that contributed to the effectiveness of the
body. In other cases, however, women’s parliamentary bodies may wish to create mechanisms
to allow for the articulation of dissenting opinions or may deem consensus as too difficult
a condition to achieve.
Two other factors are important in determining the effectiveness of a women’s parliamentary
body. First, the commitment of members to work together across political divisions and bring
consensus-based legislative or policy change on issues that are really important to them, and
second, the relationships they form both within and outside the parliament. These factors are
the subject of the next two chapters of this study.
46
Conclusion
This chapter has focused on findings and observations with respect to the organization and
structure of women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region. For the most part, these bod-
ies are broadly ‘informal’ in nature, associated loosely with the parliament and rarely estab-
lished by formal resolution. Bodies tend to meet as required. While half of those surveyed
have administrative staff provided by the parliament, very few are given research staff, which
in some cases is a function of the general capacity of the parliament itself. Given that a lack of
financial and logistical support has been noted as one of the most significant challenges to the
establishment and sustainability of such bodies, this support has to be secured from a reliable
source. It is not surprising, then, that women’s parliamentary bodies are often supported by
international organizations.
Notwithstanding the ‘informal’ structure of these bodies, their approach to leadership and pro-
cedure can be characterized as quite formal. This need not be surprising, given the institutions
from which they are sprung. Agendas are typically circulated in advance of a meeting, rules
determine meeting procedure, and leadership terms are often fixed. The more organized a par-
liamentary body, the more likely it is to have developed a Strategic Plan, and/or Plans of Action.
The case studies presented in this chapter demonstrate the importance of sharing leadership
positions among the party groups. In Ukraine, until recently, the leadership was shared among
three co-chairs, each also a member of a different parliamentary party faction. This exercise in
power sharing was aimed at enhancing cross-party collaboration in a politically challenging
environment. Conversely, the seven-member governing Board of the structure established in
the Assembly of Kosovo is comprised of a member from each party group, while a President is
elected to serve as head of the Caucus for the entire parliamentary term.
Membership options also differ: while some parliamentary bodies try to ensure that all women
participate (for example, the Women Parliamentarians’ Club of the Assembly of the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), some are happy to cater only to those who are interested
(or of ‘like mind’, for example, the Pro-Life Caucus in the United States). Men participate in
a number of parliamentary bodies, although to differing degrees. The case study from Ukraine
illustrates the important role men have played in the Equal Opportunities Group to combat
negative stereotypes of women in public office. Elsewhere, restricting membership to women
only allows women to articulate their policy priorities and concerns in an environment that is
perceived as more conducive to the body’s objectives.
Lastly, this chapter identified the mandates of different bodies. It was found that women’s par-
liamentary bodies are overwhelmingly committed to influencing policy and legislation from
a gender perspective, and to lobbying on gender equality issues. Importantly, these bodies tend
not to have the same kind of powers of parliamentary committees, which would enable them
to initiate or amend legislation.
Notwithstanding the organizational and structural diversity of women’s parliamentary bodies
in the OSCE region, some conclusions can be drawn. First, it is critical that the parliamentary
body articulates a common goal or purpose that its establishment is intended to achieve; sec-
ond, there are benefits in establishing leadership processes that serve to strengthen cross-par-
ty trust, co-operation and dialogue; and third, membership provisions (that is, who is entitled
to join) should be linked to the ultimate mandate or goal of the body.
2. Defining a women’s parliamentary body 47
5. Achieving positive outcomes
What have women’s parliamentary bodies been created to achieve? This chapter reviews the
activities reported by the surveyed bodies, selected positive achievements, and what impact
political polarization and party discipline have had on the ability of these bodies to implement
their activities.
The chapter also considers the question of whether women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE
region have been able to organize activities aimed at the empowerment of their members.
Activities
Most commonly, women’s parliamentary bodies surveyed in the OSCE region reported ac-
tivities aimed at influencing policy and legislation and considered these to be ‘fairly effective’
(see Table 5.1). In Albania, for example, the Law on Gender Equality in Albanian Society was
considered as an important law adopted after sustained lobbying from the Women’s Caucus, in
collaboration with the Government and women’s coalitions. In 2008, after 18 years of lobbying
for a quota, the Women’s Caucus was able as well to introduce an amendment to the electoral
law, requiring at least 30 per cent women and men in all legislative, executive and other public
organs and at least 30 per cent women and men on all political party candidate lists.
Table 5.1 Activities engaged in by women’s parliamentary bodies
Influencing policy and legislation (n=13) 2.1
Coalition building around an issue (n=12) 1.8
Raising awareness on gender equality issues among constituents (n=13) 1.8
Holding press conferences (n=13) 1.7
Holding discussions with civil society, business groups, academia, and government departments on gender
equality issues (n=13)
1.7
Holding discussions with ministers on gender equality issues (n=14) 1.6
Raising awareness on gender equality issues among parliamentary staff (n=12) 1.3
Advocating for non-discriminatory, gender-sensitive working culture (n=12) 1.2
Monitoring and evaluation of government policy and legislation (n=14) 1.2
International networking (n=13) 1.1
48
Lobbying for women’s promotion to positions of leadership in parliament (n=12) 0.9
Holding social events for members (n=13) 0.9
Commissioning research to inform parliamentary debates (n=12) 0.6
Mentoring of current and future MPs (n=12) 0.5
Harmonizing donor funding and international organization support (n=12) 0.5
Fundraising (n=12) 0.3
Scale: A weighted index was developed, whereby a score of 3 represents ‘very effective’; 2 represents ‘fairly effective’; 1
represents ‘somewhat effective’ and 0 represents ‘not at all effective’.
A second area of work for these parliamentary bodies has been in communicating with exter-
nal stakeholders: raising awareness among constituents (considered ‘fairly effective’), with the
media (considered ‘fairly effective’), with civil society, business, academia (considered ‘fairly
effective’), and with government ministers (also considered ‘fairly effective’). In Denmark, the
network of women politicians that operated in the Parliament between 2002 and 2007 rated
one of its successes as increased awareness of the need for a maternity fund.
Less effectively run, however, were activities aimed at raising awareness of gender equality is-
sues among parliamentary staff, advocating for a gender-sensitive work culture in parliament,
monitoring and evaluating government policy, and working to promote more women to posi-
tions of leadership in parliament. The rankings on this question suggest that the parliamen-
tary environment in many OSCE States is resistant to this kind of change.
Fundraising activities were the least frequently cited activities. Fundraising activities can be
hard to run, but it may be that they are also seen as ‘conflicts of interest’, or not as important
as other activities. In the case of Sweden, it was reported that the Reference Group tends to
focus on topics of common concern, or topics that are perceived as being of interest to larger
communities, including the staff of the parliament.
As the case study from Estonia demonstrates below, some women’s parliamentary bodies
choose to engage in advocacy-related work, particularly in co-operation with civil society
organizations, universities and research centres. In Estonia, this is in part because of the
strength of the relationship established between the Women’s Union and the broader women’s
movement in civil society. These foundational relationships have given the Union a mandate to
advocate for and lobby on behalf of women beyond the confines of the parliament itself.
Case Study 6: Women’s Union of the Estonian Parliament
The Women’s Union (Riigikogu Naisteuhendus) was first established in 1998, a period in which
women’s political activism was on the rise in Estonia following the restoration of its independ-
ence. During those years many women’s associations, both political and non-political, were
formed in Estonia, drawing attention to a variety of gender equality and equal opportunity
issues within civil society and political life. As women’s participation in public life increased,
a roundtable bringing together representatives of women’s associations was convened by the
Riigikogu (the Estonian Parliament). This roundtable served as the impetus for the establish-
ment of a permanent cross-party structure – the Women’s Union – within the Parliament itself
during the VII Riigikogu.
5. Achieving positive outcomes 49
The Women’s Union is currently composed of all 20 women elected to parliament following
the 2011 elections, and meets regularly once a month. Like all other parliamentary associa-
tions (there are currently 47 of them within the Riigikogu), the Union operates according to
the Parliament’s Rules of Procedure and Internal Rules Act. Not formally recognized by the
Parliament, the Union operates as an informal group, with the positions of Chair and Deputy
Chair rotating every two months among its cross-party members. This process of rotation
serves to strengthen leadership skills among all members of the Women’s Union, and also
enhances mutual respect and understanding between the members. While there is no formal
restriction on men participating in – or becoming members of – the Union, no man has yet
expressed a desire to do so.
As the Union is not established by a resolution of the Parliament, it does not have the same
powers as other parliamentary bodies to play a formal role in the legislative process, and the
Riigikogu does not provide the Union with any administrative or research support. No stra-
tegic plan or annual plan is drafted, and the Union tends to work on issues as they arise. The
Union’s members promote women and family issues, debating them across party lines within
the Union. Press releases are regularly published on the Parliament’s website, and good cover-
age of the Union’s activities is given by the Estonian media.
As the Union does not receive funding from the Estonian Parliament, it has mainly focused on
advocacy work on women, family, and children’s issues, in partnership with civil society organi-
zations, universities and research centres, focusing on the promotion of public debates on gen-
der-related issues rather than directly influencing policy and legislation. Research papers and
studies are also commissioned from university centres and civil society institutes. An example
of this co-operation is a recent initiative, jointly organized with the NGO ETNA Eestimaal
(funded by the Open Estonia Foundation), to support small businesses for women in rural areas
of the country. Although this will not necessarily result in any legislative change, this co-oper-
ation has resulted in the betterment of the lives of women members of the electorate.
Survey respondents were also asked to provide examples of achievements of women’s parlia-
mentary bodies (see Table 5.2). Most commonly, respondents provided examples where the
body had tried to influence legislation and policy, and where they had held discussions with
relevant stakeholders.
Table 5.2 Reported  achievements of women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region
Influencing legislation and policy
Finland The Network played an active role in the process to accord a universal right to day care for
children under 7 years and in the adoption of legislation concerning the provision of micro-
loans to women entrepreneurs. The Network has also been active in promoting gender
budgeting within the parliament.
Georgia The Advisory Group played a key role in lobbying for the adoption of the Law on Gender
Equality (26 March 2010).
Ukraine The Equal Opportunities Group helped organize a series of awareness raising roundtables,
including the Roundtable on “Strengthening political parties through the involvement of
women,” 1 March 2012.
Roundtable on abortion and family planning, 27 April 2012.
Roundtable “Women’s participation in the parliamentary elections of 2012 in Ukraine”,
31 May 2012.
It has also played a role in advocating for the adoption of the draft law “On Amendments to
the Code of Administrative Offences for the settlement of the question of responsibility for
violence in the family”.
50
Kyrgyzstan The women’s parliamentary body in Kyrgyzstan has played a key role in lobbying for the
adoption of the Family Code, Code on Children, as well as in advocating for amendments
to the Criminal Code and the constitutional law on Election of the President of the Republic
of Kyrgyzstan and Deputies (MPs) of the Zhogorku Kenesh (Parliament) of the Republic of
Kyrgyzstan.
The former
Yugoslav
Republic of
Macedonia
The Club played a critical role in the adoption of the Law for Equal Opportunities of Women
and Men in 2012.
It supported the promotion of three national strategic plans on gender budgeting, domestic
violence and violence against women, and UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.
Albania The lobbying efforts of the Women’s Caucus in Albania helped secure amendments to the
Electoral Code, which introduced a legislated gender quota requiring a minimum percentage
of the less-represented gender on candidate lists.
Holding discussions with relevant stakeholders
Estonia The Women’s Union organized a conference on issues of local governance; ideas resulting
from this conference were presented to the committees of the Parliament.
France The delegation has published a number of reports on issues examined by the National
Assembly, such as political parties; civil rights (e.g. inheritance law, divorce); social rights
(e.g. equal pay, professional equality between men and women, women and retirement,
part-time work); protection against domestic violence; the situation of women prisoners;
women’s rights (e.g. contraception, abortion).
The delegation publishes an annual report on its recommendations to improve legislation
and regulations in its specific areas of competence. For example, these reports have been in
areas such as the professional equality between men and women, part-time work, women
immigrants, and abortion.
The delegation also organizes hearings, and can hold meetings with its counterpart in the
Senate.
Poland The women’s parliamentary body in Poland has co-organized conferences and debates
with civil society and self-governing bodies on raising the age of retirement for women and
on cervical cancer prevention, and members participate in the annual Polish Congress of
Women. It also helped organize the Disabled Women’s Awards Gala event organized with
parliamentary groups for disabled people.
The role of parliamentary and political party systems
The political party system can have a substantial impact on the collaborative work of cross-
party bodies and on the ability of these bodies to achieve their objectives. In evaluating the
impact of political parties on the efficacy of women’s parliamentary bodies, respondents were
asked whether women’s parliamentary bodies in their parliament had been able to gain sup-
port on a range of issues across party lines, and to rank their level of effectiveness in doing so
(see Table 5.3). The survey uncovered a number of policy areas on which women were able to
achieve cross-party support. These predominantly relate to non-discrimination, equal oppor-
tunities, violence against women and the equal representation of women in parliament (rated,
on average, as ‘fairly effective’). It may be because these areas are not particularly divisive
along party lines that women have been able to find sympathetic ears within their parties on
these issues.
The results also show that it has been more difficult for women’s parliamentary bodies to reach
agreement across party lines on issues relating to women’s bodies (achieving agreement on
issues related to reproductive rights, prostitution and trafficking was rated, on average, as
‘somewhat effective’).
5. Achieving positive outcomes 51
Table 5.3 Effectiveness in gaining political support across party lines
Non-discrimination/equal opportunities (n=13) 1.9
Violence against women (n=13) 1.8
Women’s political participation (special measures) (n=13) 1.6
Labour/employment/benefits (n=11) 1.5
Healthcare (n=13) 1.3
Equal pay (n=11) 1.3
Reform of parliamentary rules of procedures (n=12) 1.3
Reproductive rights (n=11) 1.1
Prostitution/trafficking (n=13) 1.1
Children’s rights (n=13) 0.8
Citizenship/status law (n=11) 0.5
Inheritance rights (n=11) 0.4
Scale: A weighted index was developed, whereby a score of 3 represents ‘very effective’; 2 represents ‘fairly effective’; 1
represents ‘somewhat effective’ and 0 represents ‘not at all effective’.
In five parliaments (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Hungary and Kyrgyzstan),
respondents noted that the nature of political party functioning in parliaments can impact the
degree to which women’s parliamentary bodies achieve positive outcomes. To this end, one of
the respondents to the questionnaire noted that the political behaviour of Albanian parties is
very restrictive and hinders party members and MPs from collaborating with each other on
different issues (see Case Study 1, above). MPs in Canada voiced a similar frustration.
Women have been trying [to work together] for decades; unless they’re in a national crisis, it doesn’t
happen (Canada).
As party leadership support is often needed in order for women party members (indeed, for
all party members) to engage in cross-party initiatives, a political environment characterized
by a high level of political party discipline can make it challenging – but not impossible – for
women to come together across party lines. Highly polarized political environments, on the
other hand, can have a very detrimental effect on opportunities for women’s parliamentary
bodies to engage in their work, and may prevent the establishment of such bodies in the first
place. Political polarization can generate extreme forms of party discipline that go beyond the
conventional parameters of party allegiance. Under normal circumstances, allegiance to party
factions can help create stability and stimulate debate in legislatures. In polarized environ-
ments, political party discipline can prevent all forms of cross-party communication, dialogue
and co-operation.
One strategy for dealing with strong party discipline and political polarization is to focus
on issue-based co-operation. In this case, women’s parliamentary bodies, or women MPs in-
terested in establishing cross-party co-operation, may be more effective if they select issues
on which their parties do not have a strong stance. Likewise, at the beginning of cross-party
dialogue at least, women may wish to avoid issues that involve strong ideological dimen-
sions upon which parties differentiate themselves (e.g. abortion). Some parliamentary commit-
tees have established processes whereby ‘dissenting reports’ are issued on committee topics.
52
Women’s parliamentary bodies could also introduce a mechanism by which dissenting opin-
ions can be articulated and considered.
Even in parliamentary environments where cross-party co-operation is easier, however, sup-
port from political party leadership remains important. Indeed, party support for women’s
cross-party dialogue can give women MPs greater freedom to engage in legislative, policy and
advocacy work. At the same time, excessive pressure from political party leaders may hinder
cross-party dialogue within women’s parliamentary structures.
Empowering members
Consistent with the earlier finding that women’s parliamentary bodies in OSCE participating
States tend to be less interested in actively undertaking capacity building of their women
members, less than half of those surveyed reported on the need to run training activities (see
Table 5.4). Where they did, trainings on definitions and application of gender equality, gender
mainstreaming and gender-sensitive parliaments were the most commonly cited. Some par-
liamentary bodies were interested in enhancing parliamentary skills such as chairing meet-
ings and using parliamentary procedure. Very few were concerned with learning how to build
a voter base (Albania only) or forging issue-based coalitions (Armenia only).
Table 5.4 The need for capacity building
Definitions and application of gender equality, gender mainstreaming and gender-sensitive parliaments 6
Chairing meetings and other leadership skills 5
Parliamentary procedures 4
Public speaking, negotiation and persuasion skills 3
Legislative drafting 2
Representing and championing constituents’ interests in Parliament 2
Conflict resolution 2
Building a voter base 1
Forging issue-based coalitions 1
Note: The total number of answers is greater than ‘n’ because respondents could choose multiple options.
The Finnish Women’s Network is one example of a parliamentary body that undertakes a range
of activities, a number of which aim at enhancing the gender-sensitivity of the parliamentary
working culture and procedures, as detailed in Case Study 7 below. In pursuing its overall ob-
jective of advancing gender equality, it is also worth noting that the Finnish Network works
collaboratively with a wide range of stakeholders, including civil society, international coun-
terparts and the male network of MPs active in the Finnish Parliament.
Case Study 7: The Network of Women Members of the Finnish Parliament
The Finnish Parliament has hosted a network of women MPs since 1991, referred to as the
Women’s Network. The Network was established during a period in which record numbers
of women (77 out of 200 parliamentarians) won seats in the Parliament following the 1991
general elections. Given these particular circumstances, women MPs felt the time was right
to establish a special parliamentary structure to capitalize on the high level of women’s repre-
5. Achieving positive outcomes 53
sentation. Since then, the Network has remained an informal voluntary network to which all
women MPs automatically belong regardless of party affiliation, organizing its work according
to its own internal rules.
Overall, the primary aim of the Network is to assemble women MPs from across party lines to
discuss questions of particular relevance to women, and to promote equality between women
and men as well as women’s rights. In particular, the members aim to ensure that women’s
perspectives are included in all legislative work in general, and that legislation conforms to
gender equality principles. Seminars and meetings on issues like equality and co-operation
between women are often arranged. In past years, the Network has been successful in drafting
amendments to the law on gender equality (1994), and the right of children to day care (1997).
The Network also sends representatives to international conferences on equality and women’s
rights, and emphasizes international co-operation as a key networking tool among women
MPs. To this end, the Network co-operates closely with civil society organizations and women
MPs from other countries. Speakers are also invited to the Network’s meetings so that women
MPs can learn more about current political issues. The Network has occasionally met with
the network of men MPs that was established in 2010 in the Finnish Parliament. One of the
subjects that the male network has focussed on is empowering men to prevent and combat
domestic violence; for its part, the Women’s Network has been active in raising awareness of
domestic violence and violence against women.
To help organize its activities, the Network prepares an operational plan and budget each
year, benefitting from one part-time assistant who is currently recruited from outside the
Parliament. The Parliament’s internal research service and International Unit are at the dis-
posal of the Network. Also, like many other collaborative groups inside the Finnish Parliament
that operate on a similar basis, the Network receives funds from the Parliament to cover the
costs of meetings and events.
During the period of the first woman Speaker of the Parliament (who served from 1994 to 2003)
amendments were passed regarding the working conditions of the Parliament. As a result,
an internal agreement on the duration of parliamentary debates was reached, limiting long
plenary sessions in order to make it easier for both male and female MPs to combine their par-
liamentary mandate and family life. These gender-sensitive parliamentary reforms have been
helpful in creating a better work-life balance in the Finnish Parliament.
As in other countries characterized by a high level of gender equality development, the ap-
proach to women’s issues in Finnish politics has changed in recent years, focusing more on
specific forms of legislation such as gender budgeting. Women MPs engage in more targeted
action in support of gender equality, in part due to the widespread gender awareness prevalent
in Finnish society and politics.
Conclusion
Activities aimed at influencing policy and legislation and those involving consultation with
external stakeholders were considered the most effective of those undertaken by women’s par-
liamentary bodies in the OSCE region. Respondents provided a number of examples of legisla-
tive changes successfully proposed by these bodies, particularly in relation to electoral laws,
gender equality laws, and laws to prevent violence against women and domestic violence.
54
Perhaps because these bodies have often been formed with the support of women’s movements,
some women’s parliamentary bodies have effectively consulted with gender experts in the
community on a range of issues. This was certainly the case in Estonia and Poland.
Political party discipline can make it challenging for women to co-operate across party lines,
but does not constitute an obstacle per se. Political polarization, however, can make cross-
party communication virtually impossible. The research also showed that disagreement is
more likely when cross-party bodies communicate or lobby around issues relating to women’s
bodies, such as reproductive health, prostitution and/or trafficking. Where political tension
is evident, women parliamentarians may wish to consider alternatives to formalized, cross-
party caucuses (even if their aim is to facilitate cross-party co-operation and trust), focusing
instead on informal networking and co-operation with external actors, such as civil society.
Alternatively, women can choose to focus on issues on which their parties themselves do not
have strong ideological or political stances.
5. Achieving positive outcomes 55
6. Fostering strong relationships
A much-cited key to success for women’s parliamentary bodies is the strength of their relation-
ships with other bodies, both inside and outside parliament.
This chapter considers the nature of these bodies’ relationships with other organizations. In
examining these relationships, this chapter is interested in understanding whether women’s
parliamentary bodies have a mandate to liaise directly with other organs of the parliament
or with organizations outside the parliament, and if so, whether this has been used to pursue
gender mainstreaming and/or gender-sensitive parliamentary reforms.
Connecting with communities of interest
Survey respondents were asked to rank the effectiveness of their interactions with bodies and
organizations both inside and outside parliament. The results suggest that relationships are
built along two fundamental requirements for women’s parliamentary bodies: first, the need
for information and publicity; and second, the need to build partnerships that make change
possible.
Overwhelmingly, parliamentary bodies surveyed regarded their interaction with civil society
organizations as quite effective. This suggests that civil society organizations continue to be
an important and reliable source of information and support for women’s parliamentary bod-
ies, and that without the support of these organizations, women’s parliamentary bodies do not
function as effectively. In particular, as noted in chapter 3, women’s parliamentary bodies have
derived a strong sense of legitimacy from their connections with women’s movements. Often,
it has been because of the efforts made by these movements that women have been elected to
parliament in the first place, so there is a fundamental need to continue, and sometimes for-
malize, that relationship once women hold positions of formal or public power.
Other information and publicity sources that were considered effective included the media
(2.2), national women’s machinery (1.7), other bodies of the parliament dealing with gender
equality (1.6) and universities and research institutes (1.5).
We need a large campaign publicised in the mass media, to continuously raise awareness on gen-
der issues, show best practice examples and international success stories (Albania).
56
Table 6.1 Interaction with other bodies and organizations
Civil society organizations (n=14) 2.3
The media (n=13) 2.2
Political party(s) of Government (n=13) 1.9
Other organs of the Parliament (e.g. Executive body) (n=13) 1.8
National women’s machinery (n=12) 1.7
Other parliamentary bodies dealing with gender equality in the Parliament (e.g. committee) (n=14) 1.6
Political party(s) of the Opposition (n=13) 1.6
Universities and research institutes (n=13) 1.5
International organizations (n=14) 1.5
Independents (n=13) 1.4
Women’s parliamentary bodies in other countries (n=12) 1.3
The Ombudsperson (n=13) 1.2
Other women’s parliamentary bodies at the sub-national level (n=13) 1
Scale: A weighted index was developed, whereby a score of 4 represents ‘very effective’; 3 represents ‘fairly effective’; 2
represents ‘somewhat effective’; 1 represents ‘not at all’; and 0 represents ‘there is no relationship’.
The case of Slovenia discussed in chapter 3 highlights the fundamental importance of working
with women’s organizations outside the parliament, including women’s wings of political par-
ties and the wider women’s movement. It also reveals that sometimes, it is easier for coalitions
to be built between like-minded actors across a range of institutions, than between women
from different sides of the political spectrum in parliament. Furthermore, co-operation with
civil society can also build the legitimacy of women’s parliamentary bodies in the eyes of the
public. For example, as noted below in Case Study 8, the participation of members of the Polish
Sejm’s Parliamentary Group of Women in the annual Polish Congress of Women, the largest
grassroots gender equality initiative in the country, has provided the Parliamentary Group of
Women with more visibility and credibility.
Case Study 8: The Polish Parliamentary Group of Women48
In April 1991, Polish women MPs established the Parliamentary Group of Women (PGK) to bet-
ter advocate, both within the Parliament as well as in civil society, for the adoption of legisla-
tion related to the equal status of men and women.
Formally recognized by the Parliament, the PGK includes women MPs from across party lines
and is officially re-formed after each parliamentary election. The Group receives support from
the Parliament, and is represented in both the Sejm (lower house) and the Senate. Largely
inclusive in terms of cross-party membership during its first years of activity, the PGK was
able to discuss difficult issues such as abortion and violence against women, also establishing
fruitful co-operation with civil society organizations. In this regard, following a PGK sugges-
tion, a Forum of Co-operation between the Parliamentary Group of Women and civil society
48 For more information on the PGK, please see http://www.sejm.gov.pl/SQL2.nsf/zesp?OpenAgent&126
6. Fostering strong relationships 57
women’s organizations was established. The Forum discussed, among other things, the bill
on the equal status of women and men, provisions regarding the dissolution of marriage, and
preparations for the harmonization of Polish legislation with EU standards in the context of
Poland’s efforts to join the European Union.49
After focusing its activities on the introduction of a legal gender quota for many years, the
Group was re-established in January 2012 following the October 2011 parliamentary elections,
gathering 50 members across the political spectrum (albeit, without representation from the
largest conservative opposition party, Law and Justice). According to its Declaration, the Group
intends to work on adapting Polish legislation to international standards on gender equality,
mainly the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action. In June 2012, the PGK supported the Minister
for Equal Treatment in her efforts to have the Polish government sign the Council of Europe’s
Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence.
In addition, Polish women MPs have consistently aimed to co-operate with women’s move-
ments in Poland. Several members of the PGK participate in the annual Polish Congress of
Women, a gathering of Polish women and gender advocates from across all sectors of Polish
society. When first established in 2009, the Polish Women’s Congress gathered thousands of
women (and men) to share their discontent over the under-representation of women in Polish
politics. They proposed the introduction of parity on electoral lists, guaranteeing half of all
positions to women. After a series of political and parliamentary discussions, the desired par-
ity (50 per cent of female and male candidates) was not achieved. Nevertheless, the idea of
equalizing political chances for women and men as electoral candidates remained important
for women’s NGOs. Thanks to their determination and co-operation with the Parliamentary
Group of Women, a 35 per cent gender quota was introduced. The new Electoral Code of 2011
guaranteed both women and men at least 35 per cent of positions on the electoral lists. If an
electoral committee does not fulfill this requirement, the list will not be registered.
Most recently, the PGK has supported the submission of a legislative initiative to the Sejm
concerning draft amendments to the Electoral Code to introduce a ‘zipper’ system. The zipper
system requires, in addition to the 35 per cent gender quota, that women’s and men’s names
be alternated on candidate lists. This amendment is considered a concrete and positive move
towards meeting the expectations of the women’s movement and gender activists in Poland.
The Polish experience highlights the importance of co-operation between women’s parlia-
mentary bodies and civil society, particularly women’s organizations. Women’s parliamentary
bodies can help ensure that the views of women representatives of civil society are channeled
into parliamentary debates. Likewise, civil society – including women’s groups and members
49 Until elections in 2005, the PGK was dominated by deputies from ruling parties. However, in the years from 2005
to 2007, the body lost its inclusive character and divisions emerged between those espousing more progressive
values, and those committed to more traditional ones. This inhibited the activities of the PGK, which had been
forced to adopt a short-term approach, becoming more of a forum for discussion rather than a legislative advo-
cacy group. During the next parliamentary term of 2007–2011, despite the presence of women MPs with more
progressive viewpoints, the PGK adopted a rather passive stand, focusing on topics such as women’s health-
care and the gender pay gap, and avoiding more controversial issues such as reproductive rights like abortion.
When the PGK proposed a set of amendments to the Standing Orders of the Sejm aimed at the establishment
of the Standing Committee for Equal Status of Women and Men, the proposal to establish the committee was
ultimately rejected by the Sejm, attesting to its weakened influence within Parliament.
58
of the women’s movement – can help legitimize and give credibility to women’s parliamentary
bodies. Together, the two sectors can more effectively advocate on issues of mutual concern.
The Polish case study also demonstrates that women’s parliamentary bodies need to build
relationships with the ‘power brokers’ in parliament. Table 6.1 above shows that relation-
ships with political parties that form Government (1.8), organs of the Executive (1.7) and the
Opposition (1.5) were considered somewhat effective. By ranking these relationships relatively
highly, women’s parliamentary bodies are acknowledging that they need the parliament and
other public institutions to implement the changes they themselves can only recommend.
Challenges can be overcome through coordination and collaboration between executive and legis-
lative powers (Georgia).
In Georgia, where a national women’s machinery body has not yet been established, it has
been very important for the Advisory Group on Gender Issues (also referred to as the Gender
Equality Council) of the Georgian Parliament, headed by the Deputy Speaker, to establish and
maintain relations with representatives of the Executive on gender-related issues.
Relationship building with political party leadership is also important. In Moldova, where
attempts are underway to establish a cross-party women’s caucus, respondents noted that
women MPs interested in establishing a caucus first discussed the initiative with their party
leadership in order to build party support. This process resulted in the elaboration of a joint
statement of shared principles and goals regarding institutionalization of communication be-
tween women parliamentarians. Obtaining the buy-in and support of party leaders is deemed
critical to the eventual establishment of a woman’s caucus in Moldova.
In addition, this study has found that many women’s parliamentary bodies in OSCE participat-
ing States have benefited from co-operation with and support from international organizations
as well as international NGOs. Support can range from the provision of financial and techni-
cal assistance, to the facilitation of access to communities of expertise and experience. For
example, OSCE field operations have provided support to women’s parliamentary bodies in the
Western Balkans, Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, mainly through their parliamen-
tary support programmes (PSPs).
International support can be important, and even critical, to the establishment and running
of women’s parliamentary bodies. Nonetheless, international organizations can be most help-
ful when they serve the role of facilitators and supporters, rather than as drivers of initiatives
to establish such bodies. Women parliamentarians and/or parliamentary gender advocates
should remain the primary driving force, in co-operation with party leadership, parliamentary
leadership and civil society, where appropriate.
Relationship building for gender mainstreaming
Since 1997, the United Nations has defined gender mainstreaming as:
…the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including
legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making wom-
en’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementa-
tion, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal
spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate
goal is to achieve gender equality (OSAGI, 2001).
6. Fostering strong relationships 59
Parliaments have an essential role to play not only in ensuring that gender mainstreaming, as
a strategy, is implemented by Government, but also in monitoring and evaluating that imple-
mentation. International organizations have recommended that mechanisms be developed to
assist parliaments in performing this oversight role.50
These mechanisms include women’s par-
liamentary bodies, dedicated parliamentary committees on gender equality, or parliamentary
committees that include gender/women’s affairs among a number of other related portfolios.
Table 6.2 Gender mainstreaming mechanisms in Parliament
A multi-functional parliamentary
committee (e.g. committee on social
affairs, human rights and gender
equality/women’s issues
14 Albania, Armenia, Canada, Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, Georgia,
Germany, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Serbia,
Tajikistan
Personal initiative of
a parliamentarian
(e.g. co-operation with civil society)
11 Albania, Belgium, Canada, Bulgaria, Finland, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Poland, Serbia, Slovak Republic, Tajikistan
A specialized parliamentary committee
on gender or women’s issues
8 Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Estonia, the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia, Romania, Sweden, Ukraine*
A gender equality commission 7 Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Czech Republic, France,
Liechtenstein, Slovenia, Spain
A body that brings women together 7 Albania, Canada, Estonia, Finland, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, Norway, Poland
A gender equality body established
in the Parliament’s Secretariat/
Administration
3 Austria, Finland, Germany
A research body capable of analysing
data from a gender perspective
3 Canada, Estonia, Slovak Republic
A mechanism for collecting and/or
analysing sex-disaggregated data
3 Canada, Kyrgyzstan, Slovak Republic
*Ukraine has established a sub-committee on gender equality.
Parliaments surveyed by this study more commonly noted that gender mainstreaming was
left to a multi-functional parliamentary committee (for example, one that included in its remit
social affairs, human rights and gender equality) and/or the initiative of individual parliamen-
tarians (see Table 6.2). These parliaments are diverse in terms of the parliamentary system in
place, the level of parliamentary development (gender mainstreaming mechanisms have been
established in well-established parliaments such as Canada, Finland, Norway and Portugal,
as well as those less developed, such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan), and in their
proportion of women parliamentarians (ranging from 12 per cent in Georgia to 42 per cent in
Finland).
The level of parliamentary development does seem to have an effect on whether the parlia-
ment has established what might be classified as ‘more sophisticated’ gender mainstreaming
machinery, such as a specialized parliamentary committee on gender equality, a gender equal-
ity commission, or a technical body established in the parliamentary administration. These
bodies have been created in Austria (28 per cent women), Belgium (38 per cent), Denmark (39
per cent), Finland (42 per cent), Germany (33 per cent), Spain (36 per cent), Canada (24 per
50 See, for example, Inter-Parliamentary Union, The Role of Parliamentary Committees in Mainstreaming Gender and
Promoting the Status of Women. Reports and documents No. x. (Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2007).
60
cent), France (27 per cent) and Sweden (46 per cent), where women’s representation is high, and
where there is a sustained commitment to gender equality – both in the parliament and in the
wider community.
No parliament surveyed reported on the existence of a ‘temporary parliamentary commit-
tee on gender or women’s issues’, and three reported a mechanism for collecting or analys-
ing sex-disaggregated data. Women’s parliamentary bodies were never identified as the sole
gender mainstreaming mechanism in existence in the parliament. As noted, in addition to
the women’s parliamentary body, other mechanisms included multi-functional parliamentary
committees or specialized committees on gender equality.
In terms of parliamentary gender equality policies, of the legislatures surveyed, the parlia-
ments of Austria, Canada, Kyrgyzstan and Spain reported the existence of a ‘Gender Equality
Policy’; a ‘Strategic Plan’ was cited in Austria, Georgia, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, Slovenia and Sweden. These policy frameworks are important not only because
they might set objectives for the parliament in terms of gender mainstreaming, but also be-
cause they outline a clear direction for how the parliament, through its various mechanisms,
might work as a whole on gender equality. This is an area in which there is a great deal of
scope for improvement. The Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues established
in Sweden (see Case Study 9 below) provides a positive role model in this regard.
The focus on the gender dimension has to be actively part of the daily political arena, otherwise it
will fail (Finland).
Case Study 9: The Swedish Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues
The Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues is a parliamentary group within the
Swedish Parliament (the Riksdag). It consists of the Speaker and eight parliamentarians, one
from each political party represented in the Parliament, as well as eight substitute members.
The key objective of the body is to raise and discuss issues on gender equality across the work
of the Riksdag.
The Reference Group was initially established as the Speaker’s Network for Female
Parliamentarians in 1995 by the then Speaker, Birgitta Dahl (Social Democratic Party), fol-
lowing a meeting to which she invited seven female MPs, one from each of the seven parties
then represented in parliament. The original purpose of the Network was to discuss how best
to use the high representation of women in the Swedish Parliament (at that time, 41 per cent),
to raise awareness on gender issues and build the capacity of women MPs. Breakfast meetings
and seminars on wide-ranging gender equality and democracy issues were arranged. In 2006,
the Network was renamed the Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues by the
Speaker Per Westerberg (Moderate Party), to reflect a shift in focus from understanding gender
equality issues as women’s issues, to issues that concern both men and women.
The rules of procedure regulating the Reference Group and its activities are stipulated in the
Gender Equality Action Plan of the Swedish Parliament 2006-2010 and the Gender Equality Action
Plan of the Swedish Parliament 2010–2014. In these action plans, the Reference Group is recog-
nized as a key organ of the Riksdag to promote gender equality. It is also noted that the body
is provided a gender secretariat comprised of two parliamentary staff (civil servants) with
gender expertise, responsible for research and administrative support. The Group also has its
own budget provided by the Parliament.
6. Fostering strong relationships 61
The eight members of the Reference Group are nominated by their respective parties and
appointed for one parliamentary term. In the current 2010–2014 term, all members of the
Reference Group are women. In order to promote a more gender-balanced group, however, each
party is asked to nominate two members, one regular member and one deputy member. Thus,
the current composition includes the eight regular members (all women) and eight deputy
members (three men and five women).
The Reference Group schedules meetings on a regular basis; it normally meets twice a semes-
ter to plan its activities. It meets in the Speaker’s Office, and the Speaker chairs the meetings.
The dates of the meetings and seminars are decided upon at the first meeting of every term,
and a notice as well as an agenda is distributed to the members by e-mail one week prior to the
next meeting. Where a permanent member is unable to attend the meeting, a deputy member
may substitute.
The Reference Group has no formal powers; it may not draft or review legislation, add items to
the parliamentary agenda, or monitor the implementation of government policies. Rather, the
Speaker’s Reference Group has evolved into a meeting point for gender equality spokespersons
and a forum for discussion and raising awareness inside the parliament on gender equality is-
sues. It normally decides on themes and topics for various seminars to be arranged. Decisions
are made after deliberation and by consensus. Hence, no formal decisions are made, and deci-
sions are not taken by a vote. While formal minutes are not taken, the secretariat does take
informal notes.
One member of the Reference Group described it as “an excellent arena … to raise gender re-
lated problems that might take place in the Parliament, but also an excellent platform for rais-
ing awareness of gender related problems in society that need to be discussed in Parliament.”
Another member noted that, “the body provides me with a recognized platform to act as
a spokesperson for gender equality issues”.
The Speaker’s Reference Group has three main sets of activities: arranging seminars and work-
shops in the field of gender equality for parliamentarians, party officials and parliament staff
members; arranging a large public seminar at Almedalen; and conducting additional activities,
including support to MPs on issues pertaining to gender equality. It also meets with foreign
delegations.
The Reference Group has developed relations and contacts with other bodies, both inside and
outside Parliament. It co-operates from time to time with the Male Network of the Swedish
Parliament and the Network Against Discrimination and Honour Related Oppression.
Four of the eight members of the Reference Group are also members of the Committee on the
Labour Market, which is one of the 15 parliamentary committees. One of the key responsibili-
ties of the Committee on the Labour Market is to consider issues relating to equality between
women and men insofar as these matters do not fall to any other committee. It also prepares
appropriations falling within expenditure area 13 on integration and gender equality.
The combined membership means that many members of the Reference Group are also key
legislators in the field of gender equality, with a special mandate to decide on the state budget
for gender equality issues.
The Speaker’s Reference Group also has extensive contacts with international counterparts
including the FEMM Committee (Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality) in the
62
European Parliament and the EIGE (the European Institute for Gender Equality) in Vilnius,
Lithuania.
The Reference Group also meets with foreign visitors, including MPs, civil servants and journal-
ists. For instance, in April 2012, members of the group met with MPs and civil servants from
Indonesia, and in May 2012, the group met with journalists from the MENA region. In recent
years the group has welcomed MPs from the Assembly of Kosovo and Viet Nam, among others.
As highlighted in the case study on Sweden above, four members of the Speaker’s Reference
Group are also members of the Standing Committee on the Labour Market, which is tasked
with initiating gender equality legislation and other issues. This means that what the Reference
Group cannot do, a related body can. Moreover, this relationship is co-ordinated under the
Gender Equality Action Plan that is revised in every parliamentary term. The Action Plan
notes that a gender equality plan shall be established by the Riksdag Board for each term and
that there shall be a gender secretariat. The Action Plan maps out activities for every parlia-
mentary year, notes who is responsible for the implementation of the activities, and describes
the ways in which the Action Plan is to be monitored and evaluated. The Secretary General of
the Parliament is responsible for the Plan and implementation is undertaken by parliamentary
staff with gender expertise. The development of strategic policy documents as well as the
institutionalization of relations with key gender-related organs of the Swedish Parliament
clearly enhances the impact that this body has on the process of parliamentary gender main-
streaming.
The question remains, then, how these bodies can best co-operate with each other, how they
share information, and how they distribute the ‘work load’ on gender mainstreaming.
Formalizing parliamentary relationships
Half of the women’s parliamentary bodies surveyed have not institutionalized a relation-
ship with the gender equality parliamentary committee (where the latter exists). An institu-
tionalized relationship might take the form of regular meetings between the two bodies or
a work plan with areas of agreed upon collaboration. The Swedish Reference Group, described
above, is one example of a women’s parliamentary body that has institutionalized relations
with parliamentary committees, in this case the Standing Committee on the Labour Market,
and has noted that this formalized relationship has enhanced the influence and impact of
the Reference Group. Institutionalized relations between women’s parliamentary bodies and
relevant parliamentary committees have also been noted in the case of the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia and in the women’s parliamentary body recently established in Bosnia
and Herzegovina (see Case Study 10 below).
6. Fostering strong relationships 63
Figure 6.1 Relationship of women’s parliamentary bodies with gender equality committees and similar
structures in other countries
In terms of these bodies’ relationships with counterparts in other countries, the results sug-
gest that regional co-operation has worked well in the Western Balkans and in some countries
of the South Caucuses (for example, Georgia). In these regions, there is a sense that parlia-
ments have much to offer each other on the basis of a shared social and political culture
and level of parliamentary development. These parliaments are also interested in maintaining
a connection with the European Parliament.
A second form of international co-operation is evident between more established parliaments,
such as Finland and Austria, and those where parliamentary democracy is in a phase of devel-
opment. The Finnish Network, by establishing a relationship with international organizations,
has been able to share some of its lessons learned with other parliaments in the OSCE region.
Likewise, parliaments have also received support from other legislatures, through activities
such as study tours and peer-to-peer exchanges among parliamentarians, allowing for an ex-
change of good practices and lessons learned.
One emerging trend may be the establishment of women’s parliamentary bodies at local or
municipal levels that are linked in some way to national bodies. In the Western Balkans, there
have been initiatives to develop relationships between the central and municipal levels. In this
regard, as illustrated in Case Study 3, the Women’s Caucus of the Assembly of Kosovo provides
a successful example of co-operation between the national level and the local level, where lo-
cal women’s caucuses have been established. Through the organization of conferences, round-
tables and other activities, members of the national-level Women’s Caucus and those of the
local caucuses can share their perspectives on issues of mutual concern, and also inform one
another about developments and issues arising at local or national level specifically.
More recently, in March 2013, a women’s parliamentary body was established at entity level in
Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina); a national level women’s
parliamentary body does not yet exist (see Case Study 10 below).
Relationship with
similar bodies
in other countries
No
62%
Yes
38%
Relationship with
the gender equality
committee
No
64%
Yes
36%
64
Case Study 10: The Women’s Parliamentary Club at entity level in Bosnia and Herzegovina
In March 2013, women MPs of the entity-level Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina (FBiH) established a women’s parliamentary body entitled the Women’s
Parliamentary Club. In contrast to other examples presented in this study, the Club has been
established at entity as opposed to the state level, reflecting the specific governance system
in Bosnia and Herzegovina.51
The first structure of its kind to be established in the country,
the initiative brings together women MPs from across party lines, and has benefitted from
the strong support of the international community, in particular the International Republican
Institute (IRI) and the Embassy of the United States. The Women’s Parliamentary Club gathers
all 21 women MPs currently serving in the House of Representatives of the FBiH.
The Women’s Parliamentary Club was officially launched to the public on 4 March 2013, during
an event co-organized with various international organizations, including the OSCE Mission to
Bosnia and Herzegovina and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).
More than 200 MPs, politicians, and representatives of both international organizations and
civil society attended the event, including the Ambassador of the United States to Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The Club was formally recognized as an official parliamentary body by plenary
vote in late April 2013. However, as is the case for other bodies presented in this study, the
Club does not currently receive any budget or administrative assistance from the parliament.
In order to address this lack of resources, the Club intends to put forward a proposal for fund-
ing during the next budgetary cycle. In the meantime, international donors, including the
American Embassy and IRI, will support the body. In addition to this, the Club will be sup-
ported by an assistant, who will be responsible for facilitating the work of the body.
The leadership structure of the Club reflects the unique political set-up of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, with a division of power between each of the three different ethnicities recog-
nized in the Constitution of the country. At present, the Chair is a representative of the main
opposition party, Ms. Hafeza Sabljaković; the two Deputy Chairs are reserved to representa-
tives of the remaining two ethnicities. All positions are designed to last for the entire parlia-
mentary mandate.
The Women’s Parliamentary Club is also in the process of drafting several working documents,
including a Strategic Plan and an Annual Action Plan. This drafting process benefits from the
support of IRI, civil society and several NGOs active in the field of gender equality. The prin-
cipal objective of the Club is the promotion of women parliamentary candidates. For example,
the Club intends to advocate for the introduction of reserved seats for women MPs, to ensure
their future representation in the parliament. At the same time, members of the Club have
also decided to advocate for a larger representation of women in executive positions, as the
percentage of women’s representation in these positions remains particularly low in Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
The Club also intends to co-operate closely with relevant parliamentary committees, in par-
ticular the Committee on Gender Equality, the Committee on Labor and Health Insurance,
and the Committee on Refugees and Displaced Persons; all of these committees are currently
51 Bosnia and Herzegovina is composed of a state-level parliament (Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and
Herzegovina), two entity-level parliaments (the National Assembly of Republika Srpska and the Parliament of
the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina), the Assembly of the District of Brčko (Brčko District Assembly of
Bosnia and Herzegovina), and parliaments that operate in each of the ten cantons.
6. Fostering strong relationships 65
chaired by women MPs who are also members of the Club. This co-operation is expected to
facilitate and support the process of introducing legislative change, as well as to raise gender
related considerations with more political efficacy vis-a-vis the parliament of FBiH and the
government. The Club will also advocate for the creation of similar bodies in other parliamen-
tary institutions in the country.
Given the recent establishment of the Club, its members are in the process of learning success-
ful practices from other countries in the region. To this end, meetings with women MPs from
Serbia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia have already been scheduled. In paral-
lel, seminars and events will continue to be organized with the assistance of the international
community, making good use of the favourable media coverage and high interest accorded the
Club during its first political steps.
The experience of the Women’s Parliamentary Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina suggests that
a parliamentary body can be established also at sub-national and/or local levels. Although
the peculiar institutional arrangement of the country favours the emergence of decentralized
gender equality bodies, the same approach could be considered by other countries, especially
where national-level politics are characterized by a high degree of political polarization.
Conclusion
The study has found that establishing a relationship between national women’s movements
and women’s parliamentary bodies can be of benefit to both parties. Women’s NGOs and gen-
der activists can provide members of women’s parliamentary bodies with important data, re-
search and statistics, while women’s parliamentary bodies can help channel civil society con-
cerns into parliamentary processes.
Women’s parliamentary bodies, however, also need to build relationships with the ‘power
brokers’ within the parliament (including the Executive and the Opposition), and with the
relevant parliamentary committee tasked with gender mainstreaming. This is important be-
cause women’s parliamentary bodies are rarely attributed powers to make the change they
seek. Therefore, formalizing relationships between the women’s parliamentary body and the
relevant, authoritative committee or other organs of the parliament can prove a successful
strategy in implementing gender mainstreaming. The Swedish Speaker’s Reference Group on
Gender Equality Issues is a good example of a group that works closely with other gender bod-
ies of the Riksdag, most notably the Standing Committee on the Labour Market.
66
7. Impeding progress:
What challenges remain?
Despite the significant achievements made by a number of women’s parliamentary bodies in
terms of promoting gender equality and women’s political representation, challenges remain.
This chapter presents some of the challenges identified by representatives of women’s parlia-
mentary bodies in the survey. These include a lack of resources, sustained stereotypes about
the role of women in society, and the influence of political polarization.
Table 7.1: Challenges to the work of women’s parliamentary bodies
Lack of resources (n=14) 2.1
Cultural norms and stereotypes about women in society (n=14) 2
Lack of support from party leaders to work across party lines (n=14) 1.7
Lack of solidarity among women (n=13) 1.7
Lack of dedicated support staff (n=15) 1.3
Discriminatory or sexist working culture in Parliament (n=13) 1.1
Lack of reliable information/research on gender equality issues, including a lack of sex-disaggregated data
(n=14)
0.8
Scale: A weighted index was developed, whereby a score of 3 represents ‘very significant; 2 represents ‘fairly significant’;
1 represents ‘somewhat significant’ and 0 represents ‘not at all significant’.
The most frequently cited challenge of the bodies surveyed related to resources. As discussed
earlier (see chapter 4), women’s parliamentary bodies are not provided with enough funding
to allow them to do the kind of outreach or research work they would like. A related challenge,
although not ranked as highly, is the lack of support staff. Like any parliamentary structure,
these bodies require staff to assist with logistics, planning, administration and continuity.
The lack of parliamentary support, both financial and logistical, can make it very difficult for
a women’s parliamentary body to run activities. A body requires, at the very least, a room in
which its members can meet – preferably in the parliamentary precincts – but also a time to
meet that does not conflict with parliamentary business. A woman parliamentarian from the
7. Impeding progress: what challenges remain? 67
Wisconsin State Assembly reported that chamber meetings were systematically scheduled
at the same time as meetings of the women legislators. The response from the Assembly of
Kosovo is illustrative as well:
One of the main challenges remaining for the Women’s Caucus is that it does not receive sufficient
funds from the Assembly of Kosovo to be sustainable. This means that support to the Caucus
mainly comes from international organizations such as OSCE, UNDP and NDI. [These funds are]
important for the implementation of the activities of the Caucus.
In these cases, dedicated structures for women MPs can consider other types of support – for
example, seeking in-kind support from the parliament in the form of a meeting room, hosting
information about the structure’s activities on the parliamentary website, including activi-
ties of the body in parliamentary outreach materials, or allocating part of the parliamentary
budget to procuring research materials and tools on gender equality issues that members of
the body – and other MPs – can easily access.
Very few structures for women MPs reported the existence of a gender secretariat, such as
that which supports the Swedish Speaker’s Reference Group on Gender Equality Issues. While
respondents did not consider a lack of reliable information or research of particular signifi-
cance, where staff and resources are not attributed to the group, they will not be able to analyse
sex-disaggregated data or other research provided to them, due to time constraints and heavy
workloads.
A second challenge is confronting gender-based stereotypes about women’s roles, responsibili-
ties and capacities. Many women MPs find it hard to fight cultural stereotypes that position
them as being less effective, and less legitimate, in that role than men. This resistance was
cited in the responses from Albania and Ukraine:
There exist strong cultural stereotypes about women even among the MPs and inside the
Parliament. The political parties, even when they declare themselves in favor of women’s participa-
tion, have resisted amending the electoral law to include an article that would require “both gen-
ders in every three names” (Albania).
Women are under-represented in decision-making bodies of the parties and the elected offices in
Ukraine. Gender inequality remains a prominent feature of Ukrainian politics. This is despite
a number of adopted laws, ratified international legal instruments, hundreds of round tables
and workshops. Work in the community is required to overcome existing patriarchal stereotypes.
Political parties should be responsible for raising awareness on gender equality issues in the elec-
torate through trainings, roundtables, public discussions. It is extremely important to demonstrate
that women are on equal terms with men, that they can represent voters and hold positions of
leadership (Ukraine).
Political polarization is a third challenge. Indeed, political polarization, which often results in
much stricter party discipline, can have a negative impact on the collaborative work of cross-
party bodies, or prevent them from being established in the first place. This is because women
are, first and foremost, members of their political parties to which they ultimately depend for
their future political career. This is the case where electoral politics is fiercely fought by par-
ties that seek to distinguish themselves from other parties on policy, and which do not value
compromise and consensus. Women, just like men, can disagree on political ideology and
might decide to prioritize other political issues than gender equality ones.
68
Where the degree of political polarization is high, and political parties require their members
to vote along party lines and threaten those members with expulsion where they do not adhere
to that line, there can be little scope for women (and men) to work together on gender issues.
Moreover, to the extent that political parties do not allow it, women will not be able to show
a sense of ‘solidarity’ on gender issues. As identified earlier (see chapter 5) and as is clear from
the responses below, however, party loyalty trumps collaboration on some issues more than
others.
One of the major challenges is that the strong party structures and strong division between gov-
ernment and opposition sometimes makes it difficult to work across party lines. [O]n some equality
issues consensus can easily be obtained, [o]n others not (Finland).
The [women’s caucus] established in the 4th Parliament of Armenia was very passive. In my opin-
ion, this was because of the strong political nature and party affiliation of women MPs. The solu-
tion is to find common fields of interest – social, gender and family issues, education, and military
service – and to start active participation in these areas (Armenia).
The Albanian experience with women parliamentary structures also highlights the role politi-
cal polarization and the resulting high levels of political party discipline can play in hinder-
ing cross-party collaboration. As described in Case Study 1, in a fiercely competitive political
environment, the women of the Albanian parliament were not able to re-establish the Women’s
Caucus. In similar conditions, the level of formality of, as well as mode of, organization and
structure acquires particular relevance. In fact, women’s parliamentary bodies have succeeded
where they have been able to devise a structure that mitigates the challenge of political par-
ties requiring their members to abide by their ideology. In some bodies, this is achieved by
becoming active on issues that are not politically sensitive or on which party leaders have not
developed a strong stance. Moreover, women’s parliamentary bodies that are able to clarify (and
in some cases, set in writing) a vision or strategic plan, have proved successful in keeping the
negative effects of extreme party discipline at bay.
Resistance to women’s parliamentary bodies can be found among both men and women MPs
that are critical of bodies that introduce membership requirements based on sex. For example,
a woman parliamentarian in a state-level legislature in the United States noted that: “I would
be highly offended if my male Senate colleagues had a caucus that I was unable to attend. My
allies are people with the same positions on issues”.52
This is an issue that parliamentary structures for women MPs need to take into consideration,
to ensure that the establishment of a body with membership restricted on the basis of sex
does not undermine the broader goal of gender equality promotion. In these situations, a pos-
sible solution is to consider including men as members of the women’s parliamentary body.
As the example of Ukraine shows (Case Study 4), opening membership to men can be one way
of addressing the concerns identified above, particularly if the body is involved in awareness
raising and advocacy on gender equality in societies where gender-based stereotypes and dis-
crimination are broadly entrenched, or where there is a need to stress that gender equality is
not a ‘women’s issue’ alone. Allowing men to join may also help protect such parliamentary
structures against complaints of unfairness.
52 See Kanthak and Krause, op. cit.
7. Impeding progress: what challenges remain? 69
Overemphasis on the structure and organization of a women’s parliamentary body in terms
of leadership or practical organization (setting the agenda, sorting out the logistics, inter-
nal communication and so forth) can obstruct its ability to perform its designated func-
tions, leaving most achievements at the initiative (and sometimes personal cost) of in-
dividual parliamentarians. Notwithstanding the above, however, a lack of agreement on
leadership procedures in cross-party caucuses in particular can stifle concrete action.53
In these cases, a system of shared leadership among representatives of different parties could
offer an effective solution, allowing women MPs to focus on objectives and activities.
Another challenge encountered concerns the workload and political priorities of parliamentari-
ans. The workload of MPs is often demanding, and leaves less time to dedicate to what might be
seen as ‘extracurricular activities’. “[W]omen legislators are often very busy people, and setting
aside the time to coordinate via a women’s caucus may be a luxury they feel they cannot afford”.54
The assistance offered by international organizations, women’s movements, and NGOs could
represent an effective means of relieving the burden of advocacy or policy reform from women
MPs’ shoulders alone.
Lastly, re-establishing women’s parliamentary structures following the end of parliamentary
convocations can also pose a considerable challenge. This is closely connected with the nature
of such structures, which are often flexible and not formally recognized by the parliament,
leaving the responsibility for the re-establishment of the body on its members. More impor-
tantly, however, parliamentary elections may result in incumbent women MPs that are mem-
bers of a women’s parliamentary body not being re-elected, as was partly the case in Denmark.
New women may take up parliamentary mandates, but may not necessarily wish to join or re-
establish the body. Alternatively, as can be seen from the case study from Latvia below, women
parliamentarians that assume positions of power within the parliament may not have the
time to commit to a women’s parliamentary body, or may feel that such a body advocating for
women’s political advancement may be no longer needed. Women’s parliamentary bodies that
keep track of their achievements and record practical considerations regarding the functioning
of the body can create an institutional memory that may serve to convince new women MPs
to renew the body, or minimize disruption to the bodies’ activities in between parliamentary
sittings.
Case Study 11: The Women’s Parliamentary Co-operation Group in Latvia
While a parliamentary group for women operated in Latvia between 2002 and 2010, it has
proven difficult to re-establish the group in subsequent sittings of parliament.
Twelve of the women elected to the 8th Saeima in October 2002 formed a women’s parlia-
mentary group. While 17 women members were elected to the 100-seat parliament, some were
appointed ministers and were therefore unable to continue their parliamentary mandate. The
remaining 12 women represented all political party factions in parliament, with the exception
of one that did not have any women members.
The main goal of the women’s parliamentary body was to facilitate co-operation with women
parliamentarians in other countries, including participation of its members in international
53 Agora and iKNOW Politics, 2011, “Women’s Caucuses”, Summary of an electronic discussion forum, 9-20 May 2011.
54 See Kanthak and Krause, op. cit.
70
women’s forums. Other goals included the enhancement of dialogue with NGOs as well as the
promotion of gender equality issues among the public.
During the time of the 8th Saeima, the women’s group held the status of ‘parliamentary friend-
ship group’. There are no formal records of many of its activities apart from a letter sent to
diplomatic representation offices of various countries residing in Latvia, informing them of the
group’s formation. Although the group formally elected a chairperson and deputy chairperson,
there appears to have been a lack of leadership in setting both the priorities of the work as well
as in driving its agenda forward. The group did not enjoy any legislative powers, and there is
no record of collaboration with the Sub-committee on Gender Equality of the Social Affairs and
Human Rights Committee.
With the election of the 9th Saeima (2006–2010), the women’s parliamentary group was re-
established with an increased membership: 20 of the total 21 women parliamentarians became
members. The group elected a new leadership that injected renewed energy into the work of
the body. The group’s chairperson served in a voluntary capacity, with no remuneration. The
membership continued to reflect the composition of the parliament, with the exception of the
one party that did not have any female deputies.
During this period, the group forged a close co-operation with the women’s rights organization
Marta that promoted the adoption of a Law on Gender Equality. This law was discussed over
the course of the same parliamentary term (2006–2010), although the priority to mainstream
gender equality across all policy documents and applicable laws eventually took precedence.
The group also actively engaged with small rural women business owners and promoted ini-
tiatives that were geared towards supporting self-employment as well as life-long learning. In
addition, the group focused on women’s health, with a particular emphasis on women’s repro-
ductive health. Members actively engaged in discussion with social partners and NGOs with
the aim of channelling civil society concerns onto the parliamentary agenda. In the above-
mentioned areas the group managed to raise awareness and achieve on certain occasions posi-
tive legislative and budgetary changes.
Among the group’s other activities was the establishment of a forum gathering members of
the group and women entrepreneurs, who presented concrete proposals to the respective min-
istries on how to promote women’s entrepreneurship by providing access to grants and other
forms of financing.
In 2010, 22 women were elected to the 10th Saeima, but due to an election being called less
than one year later, the group was not able to continue its work. The 11th Saeima was elected in
2011 and included 23 women. However, by the end of 2012, the women’s parliamentary group
had still not been able to resume its work.
This can be explained by two main factors. First, there was little carryover from the 9th Saeima
in terms of membership, as many of the current women members were elected to parliament
for the first time. Second, despite their relatively small number (23 of 100 members) women
are well represented in parliamentary leadership positions. The Speaker and Vice-Speaker of
Parliament are both women. Of nine legislative committees, four have women chairpersons,
while two of the six oversight committees are chaired by women. One woman is the deputy
chairperson of the second largest faction, and three women are deputy chairpersons of com-
mittees. Thus, of the 23 women parliamentarians in the present parliament, 11 women, or al-
most half, occupy leadership positions in the parliamentary presidium, committees or factions.
7. Impeding progress: what challenges remain? 71
Even when a parliamentary body for women has proven successful and achieved desired out-
comes, it can be difficult to re-group in successive parliaments. As the above case study of
Latvia shows, it proved too difficult to re-establish the women’s group when the original wom-
en members were not re-elected, and when the few women who were elected were subsequent-
ly appointed to positions of parliamentary or political leadership.
In this case, it may be worthwhile to encourage the members of women’s parliamentary bodies
to regularly produce a comprehensive report of their activities, lessons learned, and challenges
encountered. This could be done at the end of each year, as a mechanism to assess progress
made and the achievements secured. Documented evidence of the impact of women’s parlia-
mentary bodies can provide the impetus for renewal of such bodies even when there is a high
turnover in women MPs following elections, or at least provide an institutional record of the
body’s achievements that may be of use to future women parliamentarians.
72
8. Conclusions and the way forward
Democracy presupposes the equal participation of women and men. Yet across the OSCE re-
gion, women continue to be under-represented in political and public life, particularly in deci-
sion-making positions. To redress the historical bias of parliaments towards men, significant
change is required. This change would not only see the inclusion of more women in parlia-
ment, but would also make parliaments themselves more responsive to the concerns, needs and
interests of women. Parliaments would become more gender-sensitive.
Women’s parliamentary bodies can play a critical role in shifting the responsibility of making
parliaments more gender-sensitive from women MPs alone, to parliaments as a whole, includ-
ing parliamentary leadership. ‘Gender mainstreaming infrastructure’, such as a women’s par-
liamentary body, often has as one of its objectives the goal of ensuring that gender equality is
addressed across all areas of parliamentary work.
This study investigated the existence of women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region.
The first contribution of the study is the development of a typology of women’s parliamen-
tary bodies. The typology aims to systematize the plethora of organizational types that fall
under the category of a women’s parliamentary body. By classifying each type according to
whether it is informally or formally structured, and whether it is advocacy focused (that is,
concerned with advocacy on selected policy issues as well as with gender mainstreaming in
a broader sense) or parliamentary focused (having as its main goal the scrutiny and influenc-
ing of parliamentary legislation, through the tabling of amendments or promotion of gender
equality issues within the parliamentary agenda), the study identified the most common types
of parliamentary bodies created in the OSCE region. Women’s parliamentary bodies that are
parliamentary focused, such as cross-party women’s caucuses and voluntary networks or as-
sociations, were most commonly identified.
The organization, activities and relationships of these bodies were then examined. The study
found that women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region were largely ‘informal’ in nature
(that is, they were not formally registered bodies of the parliament), but had formal operation-
al mechanisms (agendas, internal rules, fixed leadership structures). Power-sharing arrange-
ments (i.e., where leadership is shared among the political parties, either as joint members of
a board, or rotated chair positions) were seen as helpful in overcoming political party tensions.
Men participated constructively in some of the women’s parliamentary bodies.
Most women’s parliamentary bodies have been created with the common intention of influenc-
ing policy and legislation from a gender perspective. Interestingly, however, these bodies often
8. Conclusions and the way forward 73
do not have the parliamentary power which would enable them to present legislative initia-
tives or amendments. To achieve this, they must forge relationships with power brokers in the
parliament and the gender mainstreaming infrastructure (e.g. standing committee on gender
equality or relevant networks), and the extent to which these relationships work is a measure
of the body’s overall effectiveness.
The other marker of success is the relationship a women’s parliamentary body has with the
wider women’s movement, civil society and general gender expertise outside the parliament.
These relationships provide the women’s parliamentary body with the necessary information
and knowledge to be able to make a difference.
An eight-step framework for the establishment of a women’s parliamentary body
As this study has highlighted, one size does not fit all when it comes to the establishment of
a women’s parliamentary body. Different types of bodies gathering women MPs exist across
the OSCE region; these vary widely in their activities, mandates, membership, resources and
degree of formality. Moreover, such bodies tend to adapt to (and reflect) the political dynamics
characteristic of their parliamentary assemblies and national context, often achieving politi-
cal successes in spite of significant challenges, because of the tireless work of their women
members.
The study has identified a wealth of good practices that support the establishment of women’s
parliamentary bodies and help avoid the potential challenges and obstacles that have been
presented. Recognizing that each country context is unique, this study has developed an eight-
step framework of action for parliaments and women MPs interested in establishing or re-
vitalizing a women’s parliamentary body. It is important to note that, although the strategies
are presented in a certain order, MPs interested in establishing such bodies can select the
strategies most appropriate to their political context.
1. Initiate broad consultations. The first step consists of initiating consultations among
women MPs, aiming to be as inclusive as possible. Initially informal, these consultations
should serve to identify the existence of a common interest in establishing a women’s parlia-
mentary structure. Capitalizing on windows of opportunity, such as the period where parlia-
ments are formed following elections, women MPs should try to build cross-party support
for their initiative, involving all political party representatives in the discussions. Once
a shared commitment among women MPs to establish such a structure is achieved, more
formal consultations should take place, which may, if appropriate, also involve the parlia-
mentary leadership, other gender mainstreaming organs of the parliament, women’s move-
ments, interested civil society NGOs, international organizations and/or political party
leadership.
2. Outline common goals and objectives. Once a common interest in establishing a body
is identified, parliamentarians should identify common goals and objectives which can,
on the one hand, unite them in their action across political party lines and, on the other
hand, help provide strategic direction. In politically-challenging environments in particu-
lar, members may wish to choose uncontroversial policy issues (for instance, the promotion of
gender equality, the advancement of women MPs, the delivery of better services to women
in society) as a vehicle to build cross-party co-operation and also to build support from ex-
ternal bodies, such as parliamentary leadership. Issues where parties have a strong political
or ideological stance may want to be avoided during the first steps in building cross-party
co-operation. The drafting of a Strategic Plan will also give women MPs solid ground on
74
which to proceed. If the parliament itself has developed a gender equality policy, the body
should take this document into account, and identify ways in which the body’s activities
may contribute to the parliament’s gender equality policy.
3. Identify resources. Securing financial resources, as well as administrative and logistical
support, represents one of the main challenges for women’s parliamentary bodies. For this
reason, it is important that women parliamentarians identify the main sources of support,
which should preferably be sustainable in the medium term. At the same time, women
parliamentarians should identify in-kind or other types of resources that parliaments can
provide, such as administrative assistance, meeting rooms, or access to outreach tools.
Likewise, members of the women’s parliamentary body may consider reaching out to inter-
national organizations as well as NGOs in order to secure financial and in-kind support.
4. Define the structure. Once goals and objectives have been outlined, and women MPs have
confirmed their commitment to the women’s parliamentary body, the fourth step involves
deciding on the best organizational structure to suit the objectives and purpose of the body.
This step may be politically sensitive (especially, for example, when deciding on issues of
leadership) and should be addressed accordingly, so as to avoid a breakdown or cessation of
co-operation at this stage in the process. As many of the case studies presented throughout
this study demonstrate, leadership arrangements can be settled in many different ways,
and should aim to enhance cross-party trust. Likewise, the membership of the body can be
decided upon according to different formulas, but should reflect the ultimate objectives
the body wishes to achieve. The body should also take into consideration the institutional
requirements for registering, formalizing or operating such a structure; these requirements
will vary from parliament to parliament. In order to find the most effective way to structure
a women’s parliamentary body and avoid stalemate, it is advisable to learn from successful
experiences in other OSCE participating States. Participation in international or regional
conferences on this issue, as well as study tours to other countries where women’s par-
liamentary structures have been active for several years, could present women MPs with
a wide range of options and suggestions on how to effectively define the structure of the
body and draft comprehensive rules of procedure.
5. Agree on activities. After reaching agreement on the common goals and structure of the
body, the next step requires the identification of the activities the body wishes to imple-
ment. In line with the agreed goals and objectives, women MPs may wish to focus on
activities that reap politically ‘marketable’ results relatively soon, so as to demonstrate both
within the body and externally what it is capable of achieving. These activities should also
be designed to help women MPs obtain political support among voters, making the benefits
of their political action tangible to citizens. The women’s movement, NGOs, international
organizations, as well as elected women at the local level could participate in the drafting
of an Annual Work Plan, sharing the costs and responsibilities of activities wherever pos-
sible. These Work Plans can also be submitted to political parties and to the parliament, so
that parliamentary and party leaders can build support to these bodies into their budgets,
or provide other in-kind resources as appropriate. Such an inclusive approach will help
women MPs develop more effective activities, and will make the women’s parliamentary
structure known to the various communities of interest.
6. Build relationships. At this point, the women’s parliamentary structure will be ready to
implement activities. To effectively do so, members of the structure should aim at estab-
lishing formal relationships with other parliamentary bodies, in particular with the parlia-
mentary committee dealing with gender equality issues, if one exists. This will allow the
body’s members to better advocate for legislative changes and acquire the parliamentary
8. Conclusions and the way forward 75
power necessary to present legislative amendments. At the same time, relationships should
also be fostered with similar structures present at the local level as well as with the wider
women’s movement, civil society and gender experts outside the parliament. These relation-
ships, together with the assistance of international organizations, will provide the newly
established women’s parliamentary structure with the necessary expertise to be able to
implement successful policies and activities.
7. Develop a communication strategy. Given the under-representation of women parliamen-
tarians in the media in many OSCE participating States, it is important for women’s par-
liamentary bodies to consider developing an effective communication or outreach strategy.
This may involve partnerships with national or local TV channels/newspapers to report on
the achievements of the body, making the work of the body visible to the larger public.
Promotion of the body’s work may be accomplished through the use of new social media,
like Twitter, Facebook and possibly the parliamentary website. Moreover, the body should
celebrate its achievements, involving civil society in public events and visibility initiatives.
8. Assess progress and evaluate results. Ultimately, each women’s parliamentary structure
should put in place mechanisms to evaluate and assess the impact of its activities, especially
newly established ones. Using the adopted Annual Work Plan as a benchmark document,
women MPs will benefit from drafting an annual report, analysing progress as well as
shortcomings in implementing their initiatives, and using the results to plan activities
more effectively in the following year. Such a report will also help to create an institutional
memory, which future women MPs will be able to draw upon.
76
Figure 8.1: The Eight-Step Framework for Action
1. Initiate broad
consultations
4. Define the structure
2. Outline common
goals and objectives
5. Agree on activities
3. Identify Resources
6. Build relationships
• Identify a common interest
• Build cross-party support, solicit party leadership support
• Inform external stakeholders, including civil society, about the initiative
• Exploit ‘windows of opportunity’
• Select uncontroversial policy issues
• Draft Strategic Plan
• Secure financial resources for the medium term
• Identify ‘in-kind’ contribution Parliament could provide
• Obtain administrative support for logistical matters
• Define approach to leadership
• Delineate membership requirements
• Learn from other experiences
• Draft Rules of Procedure
• Identify ‘marketable’ activities
• Draft Annual Work Plan
• Implement activities with partners
• Develop relations with other
parliamentary bodies
• Develop relations with civil society,
women’s movement and gender experts
7. Engage in outreach
• Seek partnerships with media partners
• Celebrate achievements
8. Assess progress
• Monitor the impact of activities
• Adjust Annual Work Plan accordingly
• Draft Annual Report
3. Enabling factors 77
9. Recommendations
This study has identified many of the enabling factors that support the establishment and ef-
fective running of women’s parliamentary bodies in the OSCE region. Likewise, it has uncov-
ered some of the major challenges facing women’s parliamentary bodies in OSCE participating
States. These often relate to lack of resources, undefined or unclear relationship structures to
parliament, discriminatory institutional and cultural values in favour of men, and strong po-
litical polarization.
To address these obstacles, the following recommendations are proposed for women’s par-
liamentary bodies currently existing in the OSCE region, for parliamentarians interested in
establishing such bodies, and for their parliaments more broadly. The recommendations reflect
the ‘Eight-Step Framework for Action’ elaborated on in chapter 8.
Recommendations to women’s parliamentary bodies
1. Establish consensus on issues and priorities and celebrate achievements. It is clear
that women’s parliamentary bodies have had some successes in influencing policy and leg-
islation on specific issues, including gender equality laws and electoral laws. Limited and
well-articulated actions may be more effective than trying to address an extensive agenda.
Moreover, irrespective of the issue pursued, it is important to celebrate achievements, and
to keep the momentum for change alive.
2. Develop and maintain strong relationships. Women’s parliamentary bodies need to
build strong ties with men MPs, civil society, NGOs working on gender issues and the
wider women’s movement. Their success lies in having communication channels with all
actors willing to be involved in furthering gender equality. As identified in chapter 6, two
kinds of relationships need to be built. First, relationships that provide the body with much
needed sources of information and research, including from civil society, women’s party
organizations, national gender machineries and academia. Second, relationships with the
‘power brokers’ in parliament that can allow the recommendations of the body to be imple-
mented, such as with the Executive, the Board or Bureau of Parliament, all parliamentary
party groups and relevant parliamentary committees (not only those specialized in gender
equality), need to be fostered.
3. Balance the need for rules with the need for fairness. Parliaments are procedurally-
based institutions. They rely on rules of procedure which have been unanimously agreed
78
to avoid unnecessary conflict. In turn, it is not surprising that the women’s parliamentary
bodies examined in this study were similarly grounded in (unofficial) rules of procedure,
particularly in terms of electing leaders and making decisions by vote.
Moreover, given that most of the parliamentary bodies studied aim to work across parties
and could be considered ‘extra-parliamentary’ (in that they are not formal organs of the
parliament), there may be scope to allow for a more equitable leadership structure. Chairs
and Deputy Chairs could be rotated on a yearly or six-monthly basis across parliamentary
parties, or a system of ‘co-chairs’ could be established. Furthermore, consensus models of
decision-making could be adopted.
In a more politically contentious environment, women’s parliamentary bodies might also
consider strategies for dealing with political differences. Parliamentary committees, for
example, often are able to cater to partisan disagreement, by incorporating a ‘dissenting
report’. These bodies may wish to identify their own mechanism by which differences of
opinion can be acknowledged and accommodated, rather than always having to strive for
consensus and unanimity.
4. Develop a Plan. The more organized a women’s parliamentary body, the more likely it is
to have a plan of action. In a strategic plan, activities can be described and planned, par-
ticularly with respect to their timeframe and who is responsible for implementing them.
Check lists can be created. These strategic plans are important not only for the functioning
of the body, but also to demonstrate to external stakeholders that the activities undertaken
by the group have been monitored and evaluated. This is vital if the group needs to seek
funding – be it from the parliament or from external sources. Likewise, members of women
parliamentary bodies should seek to create an institutional memory of their work, in the
form of an annual report or other similar documents. Such documents can allow members
to assess progress and celebrate achievements.
5. Seek assistance from international organizations. International organizations, includ-
ing the OSCE, are well positioned to provide support to women’s parliamentary bodies. The
OSCE can provide support through its parliamentary support programmes implemented by
the OSCE field operations, as well as through ODIHR, which serves as a ‘knowledge hub’ of
regional parliamentary developments.
At the same time, women’s parliamentary bodies are encouraged to call on the expertise that
many other international organizations and NGOs can offer, including, but not limited to,
institutions such as the National Democratic Institute (NDI), the International Republican
Institute (IRI), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Council of Europe
(CoE), UN Women, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), International IDEA, and bilateral
donor agencies and embassies. Such entities could provide training for women MPs as well
as facilitate the placement of gender experts with the body.
Recommendations to parliaments
1. Implement pro-active policies to foster the number of women MPs and promote
them to leadership positions in parliament. Women’s representation in parliament and
in leadership positions is a question of representative democracy: without women, a parlia-
ment cannot be described as representative or democratic. The Athens Ministerial Council
Decision 7/09 of 2009 called on the OSCE participating States to consider developing legis-
9. Recommendations 79
lative measures to facilitate the participation of women in decision-making in all spheres of
political and public life.
2. Provide resources to women’s parliamentary bodies. Parliaments can also support the
work of women’s parliamentary bodies by providing them with adequate resources, such as
financial resources, support services or office and meeting spaces. The parliament can also
consider hosting the activities of the body on its website, creating an e-mail address for the
body, or supporting the body’s outreach and media activities, in order to promote the work
of the body among the public. The parliament could also provide human resources support
to the body, including interns or other parliamentary support staff. Those determining the
parliamentary schedule should take into account the scheduled meetings of these bodies, so
that members do not have conflicting responsibilities.
3. Foster stronger and formal relationships among parliamentary bodies on gender
equality. The work of women’s parliamentary bodies will continue to be marginalized if
they are not taken seriously by other organs of the parliament. To avoid this marginaliza-
tion, parliaments can establish stronger and more formal relationships between the women’s
parliamentary body and the Executive (for example, through regular hearings or meetings),
or between the women’s parliamentary body and specialized parliamentary committees
(this could be done by defining a clear division of labour that is, for example, expressed in
the parliament’s Gender Equality Policy, or the rules of procedure).
The rules of procedure might also allow the women’s parliamentary body to become formal-
ly involved in the legislative process, by conferring it the power to initiate legislation, draft
amendments to legislation, and/or monitor the implementation of legislation (including the
budget).
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Ballington, J. 2008. Equality in Politics: A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments, Reports and Documents No. 54.
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Celis, K. and Childs, S. 2008. “Introduction: The Descriptive and Substantive Representation of Women: New
Directions”, Parliamentary Affairs 61(3): 419–25.
Childs, S., Lovenduski, J. and Campbell, R. 2005. Women at the Top: 2005 Changing Numbers, Changing Politics? London:
Hansard Society.
Costa, M. P. 2009. “The Voice and Experiences of Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus in Promoting Gender Equality and
Women’s Empowerment in the National Parliament of Timor-Leste”. Paper presented at the Second International
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Dahlerup, D. 1988. “From a Small to a Large Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics”, Scandinavian Political Studies
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Franceschet, S. and Piscopo, J. 2008. “Gender Quotas and Women’s Substantive Representation: Lessons from
Argentina”, Politics & Gender 4: 393–425.
Gomez, J. and Koppell, C. 2008. “Policy Brief: Advancing Women’s Caucuses in Legislatures”, The Institute for Inclusive
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Gonzalez, K. and Sample, K. 2010. One Size Does Not Fit All: Lessons Learned from Legislative Gender Commissions
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Political Science Association, Washington DC.
McLoughlin, C. and Khan, S. 2009. “Helpdesk Research Report: Cross-party Caucuses”. Governance and Social
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82
Appendix 1:
OSCE Ministerial Council Decision 7/09
on Women’s Participation in Political
and Public Life, Athens, 2009
The 2009 Ministerial Council Decision was adopted in response to continued concern over the
under-representation of women in the OSCE area in decision-making structures within the
legislative, executive and judicial branches.
The Decision calls upon participating States to:
• Develop legislative measures to facilitate the participation of women in decision-making in
all spheres of political and public life;
• Take measures to ensure balanced recruitment, retention and promotion of women and men
in security services, including the armed forces;
• Promote shared work and parental responsibilities between women and men in order to
facilitate women’s equal opportunities to effectively participate in political and public life.
In particular, the Decision calls on the participating States to:
(…)
2. Consider possible legislative measures, which would facilitate a more balanced participa-
tion of women and men in political and public life and especially in decision-making;
3. Encourage all political actors to promote equal participation of women and men in political
parties, with a view to achieving better gender-balanced representation in elected public
offices at all levels of decision-making;
5. Develop and introduce where necessary open and participatory processes that enhance partici-
pation of women and men in all phases of developing legislation, programmes and policies;
6. Take necessary steps to establish, where appropriate, effective national mechanisms for
measuring women’s equal participation and representation;
7. Encourage shared work and parental responsibilities between women and men in order to
facilitate women’s equal opportunities to participate effectively in political and public life.
Appendix 83
Appendix 2:
List of respondents55
Albania Diana Culi, President of the Independent Forum for the Albanian Women
Andorra Jordi Puy, Secretary of the Andorran Delegation to the OSCE PA
Armenia Elinar Vardanyan, Chairman of the Standing Committee on
Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs
Ermine Nagdalyan, Vice Speaker of the Parliament
Austria Gisela Wurm, Chairperson of the Committee on Gender Equality
Belgium Thibaut Cardon, European affairs and interparliamentary relations,
Belgian Senate
Bosnia and Herzegovina Davorin Semenik, Secretary of the Gender Equality Committee
Bulgaria Penka Lyubenova, Adviser, Human Rights, Religion,
Citizens’ Complaints and Petitions Committee
Canada Nancy Ruth, Senator
Czech Republic Hlaváček Karel, Researcher
Denmark Gro Iversen, Secretary to the Committee on Gender Issues
Estonia Laine Randjärv, First Vice-Speaker of the Estonian Parliament
Finland Gunilla Carlander, Counsellor of International Affairs
France Isabelle Labernadie, Secrétariat de la délégation aux droits des femmes et à
l’égalité des chances entre les hommes et les femmes de l’Assemblée nationale
Georgia Rusudan Kervalishvili, Deputy Chair of the Parliament of
Georgia, Head of the Gender Equality Council
Germany Sibylle Laurischk, Chairwoman of the Committee on Family
Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth
Hungary Katalin Ertsey, MP, Green Party
55 A response was also received from Teuta Sahatqija, MP and Chairwoman of the Women’s Caucus of the Assembly
of Kosovo.
84
Italy Emma Bonino, Vice President of the Italian Senate
Kazakhstan Svetlana Ferho, Member of Mazhilis (Lower Chamber)
Kyrgyzstan Ainuru Altybaeva, MP, Vice-Speaker
Roza Aknazarova MP, and OSCE PA Vice-Chair of the Committee
on Economic Affairs, Science, Technology and Environment
Latvia Vineta Porina, Head of the Latvian Delegation to the OSCE PA
Liechtenstein Marion Kindle-Kuehnis, Member of Parliament, Member of the OSCE PA Delegation
former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia
Liljana Popovska, President of the Committee on
Equal Opportunities for Women and Men
Moldova Liliana Palihovici, Deputy Speaker, Parliament of the Republic of Moldova
The Netherlands Arjen Westerhoff, Secretary to the Dutch Delegation of the OSCE PA
Norway Hotvedt Bjørnar, Senior Adviser, International Secretariat
Poland Jolanta Cichocka, Senior Administrative/Project Assistant, OSCE/ODIHR
Portugal Elza Pais, Chairwoman of the Subcommittee on Equality
Romania Anca Constantin, Parliamentary Advisor, Secretary of the
Romanian Delegation to the OSCE PA (the Senate)
Serbia Sanja Pecelj, Secretary of the Committee for Human
and Minority Rights and Gender Equality
Slovak Republic Anna Okruhlicova, Senior Adviser
Slovenia Andrej Eror, Research Section, Secretary
Spain Maria Del Carmen Quintanilla Barba, President of the Equality Commission
Sweden Ingrid Tollin, Secretary of the Swedish Delegation to the OSCE PA
Tajikistan Bibidavlat Avzalshoeva, Member of Parliament
Ukraine Olena K. Kondratyuk, Member of Parliament
United States of
America
Robert A. Hand, Secretary of the U.S. Delegation to the OSCE PA
Appendix 85
Appendix 3: Questionnaire
Information note
This questionnaire was prepared for the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights (ODIHR) as part of an ongoing project on “Strengthening Parliamentary Structures for
Women MPs in the OSCE Region”.
Parliamentary structures for women are recognized as important forums for representing wom-
en’s interests and – often – for influencing political agendas within parliaments. Accordingly,
in co-operation with the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA) and the Special Representative of
the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly on Gender Issues, OSCE ODIHR aims to identify the wide
variety of parliamentary structures for women MPs in existence in the OSCE region, collect
good practices in establishing and running such structures, and highlight the impact of these
structures on parliamentary agendas and working environments. Your support and infor-
mation is critical to the success of this project, and we thank you in advance for your
co-operation!
Target Audience
We recommend that the questionnaire be completed by parliamentarians in the following
capacity:
• Chairs, co-chairs, vice-chairs and/or organizers of bodies that bring women together in par-
liaments (i.e. women cross-party section, women caucuses, or other women organizations);
• Where such bodies do not exist, the chair, co-chairs or vice-chairs of a parliamentary com-
mittee on gender equality and/or women’s issues;
• Where such a parliamentary committee does not exist, a gender equality advocate (male or
female parliamentarian).
Objective
This survey concerning parliamentary structures for women MPs in the OSCE region aims to
identify mandates, structures, memberships and activities of these parliamentary bodies. The
86
86
intention in analysing these bodies is to collect information about different models, good prac-
tices, success stories, challenges as well as lessons learned in establishing and running these
bodies. The survey will form the basis for a comparative report on women’s parliamentary
caucuses and related bodies in the OSCE region.
It should be noted that there are no ‘right answers’ to any of the questions posed, nor is any as-
sessment of the existing parliamentary bodies being undertaken. Responses to this question-
naire will be used to identify ways to better support parliaments in addressing gender equality
and women’s interests in the OSCE region.
Instructions
This questionnaire contains 23 questions. It is estimated that this will take up to an hour to
complete. There are two sections. We ask that ALL PARLIAMENTS, even those with-
out parliamentary structures for women, respond to SECTION I. Parliaments WITH
structures for women MPs should respond to both Sections I and II.
Requests for clarification
Please send your completed questionnaires BY 25 JUNE 2012 directly to the OSCE
ODIHR at psw@odihr.pl. In the event that respondents require additional details or
have questions, they should be directed to Kristin van der Leest at OSCE ODIHR, Kristin.
Vanderleest@odihr.pl.
Information on the respondent
Country
Completed by: Name:
Position:
Contact e-mail:
Date:
The parliamentary context
1. Is the Parliament unicameral
or bicameral?
☐ Unicameral
☐ Bicameral
2. Percentage of women MPs in
Parliament: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ %
3. Are there any special temporary
measures to ensure women’s
representation in the Parliament?
☐ No
☐ Yes
4. If yes, are they: ☐ Reserved seats?
☐ Executive appointments?
☐ Legislated party quotas?
☐ Voluntary party quotas?
Appendix 87
SECTION I: FOR ALL PARLIAMENTS
Presence of gender mainstreaming mechanisms
1. Does the Parliament have a Gender
Equality Policy or Gender Equality
Strategic Plan?
☐ No
☐ Yes, Gender Equality Policy
(date adopted _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ )
☐ Yes, Gender Equality Strategic Plan
(date adopted _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ )
2. Does the Parliament host
a mechanism to address/
ensure gender equality, gender
mainstreaming or promote women’s
interests of any kind?
(Please tick all that apply)
☐ A specialized parliamentary committee
on gender or women’ issues
☐ A multi-functional parliamentary committee
(e.g. committee on social affairs, human rights
and gender equality/women’s issues
☐ A temporary parliamentary committee
on gender or women’s issues
☐ A gender equality commission
☐ A gender equality body established in the
Parliament’s Secretariat/ Administration
☐ A research body capable of analysing
data from a gender perspective
☐ A mechanism for collecting and/or
analysing sex-disaggregated data
☐ Personal initiative of parliamentarian
(e.g. co-operation with civil society)
☐ A body that brings women together
☐ Other (please specify):
Presence of a women’s parliamentary body
3. Is there (or has there been) a body in your parliament that brings women together?57
☐ Yes, there is one (or
more) currently
Please provide name
and date created
☐ Yes, there used
to be one
Please provide dates
active
☐ No, but there are plans
to create one*
☐ No, there is no such
body
* If there are plans to create a women’s parliamentary body, please refer to those plans in answering the remaining questions.
56 By “body that brings women together”, we mean any mechanism established within the Parliament with the
broad aim of facilitating women MPs’ discussion on issues of concern to them. Such mechanisms can vary
greatly in mandate, structure, formality, membership and activities, and can include men, members of civil
society and others.
88
4. If there is (or was) such a body,
how would you describe it?
(Please tick the most appropriate
response)
☐ Women’s caucus
☐ Cross-party
☐ Internal party
☐ Study group approved by Parliament
☐ Issue-focused group58
☐ Profession-focused group (e.g. business group)
☐ Parliamentary friendship group59
☐ Voluntary association, club or network60
☐ Advisory group61
☐ Platform involving civil society/others
☐ Research body
☐ Body part of International network/group of women
☐ Other: Please describe what type of body it is:
5. If there used to be such a body, why
is it no longer functioning? (Please
tick all that apply and provide details
where appropriate)
☐ Lack of leadership among potential members
☐ Too few women MPs or too few interested women MPs
☐ Lack of support from political party
☐ Lack of resources
☐ Mandate not renewed
☐ Other mechanisms found to be more effective (please specify):
☐ Other reason for the body no longer functioning
(please specify):
6. Does the parliamentary and/or
the political party system hinder
the functioning of a women’s
parliamentary body? (Please tick the
most appropriate response)
☐ Political party structure is too under-developed to support
cross-party initiatives
☐ Political party discipline is too strong to support cross-party
initiatives
☐ Advocacy on gender/women’s issues is most effective through
parliamentary committees
☐ Advocacy on gender/women’s issues is most effective through
alliances/networks of parliamentarians, civil society and
government mechanism representatives
☐ Women’s parliamentary bodies are considered to marginalize
women
☐ Other reason:
57 By “issue-focused group”, we mean a body established to address an issue or issues of concern to the members,
for example, promoting legislation on equal pay, violence against women, or equal opportunities.
58 By “parliamentary friendship group”, we mean an informal group of MPs that organize to promote
parliamentary relations between the host parliament and parliaments of another country or other
countries around specific issues, and that may involve travel.
59 By “voluntary association or club” we mean an informal body with an undetermined membership serving a social
or other purpose but that is not presented as a formal women’s parliamentary group.
60 By “advisory group”, we mean a body established to provide advice or guidance to parliament on specific issues,
based on the members’ expertise.
Appendix 89
SECTION II: FOR PARLIAMENTS WITH PARLIAMENTARY
STRUCTURES FOR WOMEN MPS
Relationship of the body to Parliament
1. Is the body established by a resolution or formal decision of the Parliament?
☐ No ☐ Yes
Date: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Who introduced the resolution: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
2. Does the resolution or decision require that the body be renewed on a regular basis?
☐ No ☐ Yes
How often:  _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
3. If the body is recognised as an organ of the Parliament, what details were required for its
registration? (Please tick all that apply)
☐ Not recognised ☐ Name?
☐ Membership list and organizational chart?
☐ Statement of purpose?
☐ Staff required?
☐ Financial declaration of members?
☐ Internal rules?
☐ Strategic Plan?
4. If there is a gender equality committee, does it meet formally with the women’s parliamentary
body?
☐ Yes ☐ No
5. Does the women’s parliamentary body co-operate with similar bodies in other countries?
☐ No ☐ Yes
In which countries?
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Is the body part of an international network of any kind? If so,
which one(s)?
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Organization of the women’s parliamentary body
6. What are the objectives or mandates of this body? (Please rank the responses using the boxes on
the left, with “1” serving as the main or most important objective/mandate. Please number as many
as are appropriate.)
To influence policy and legislation from a gender perspective
To add items to the parliamentary agenda
To draft legislation and introduce it into the Parliament
To lobby for support on gender equality issues
To create a social space for women and men MPs and foster a sense of solidarity
To hear from relevant stakeholders on gender equality issues
To raise awareness both inside and outside the parliament on gender equality issues
To ensure Parliament’s compliance with international obligations such as CEDAW commitments
To monitor policy/legislative implementation
90
To build capacity and empower women
To conduct or commission research
To implement and/or monitor gender budgeting
To conduct advocacy with civil society organizations
Other (please specify):
7. How is the body structured? (Please tick the most applicable response and provide details)
Please provide details as appropriate
Meetings
☐ Regular meetings scheduled during each parliamentary session How often?
☐ Meetings scheduled only as required
☐ Formal meeting minutes are kept
Leadership and Organization
☐ Leadership positions (Chair, Deputy Chair) elected by group Which position?
Who is the current leader?
☐ Leadership positions remunerated
☐ Leadership positions rotated across different parties,
different chambers, old/new MPs
How rotated?
☐ Fixed term for Chair (e.g. 1 year) How long?
☐ Sub-committees can be established If yes, on what?
☐ Governing organ established
☐ The body has internal procedural rules
☐ The body has established positions (e.g. Treasurer, Secretary,
Public Relations Officer, etc)
What positions?
Agenda
☐ No agenda circulated
☐ Agenda prepared and circulated to all members before each
meeting
Staffing
☐ The body has no permanent staff
☐ Research staff provided by Parliament How many?
☐ Administrative staff provided by Parliament How many?
☐ Support staff provided by civil society/international
organizations
How many?
Resources
☐ Members pay a financial contribution to the body
☐ The body is allocated funding by the Parliament
☐ The body is allocated a meeting room by the Parliament
☐ The body receives support from civil society/international
organizations
☐ The body receives budget support from political parties
Appendix 91
Powers and functions expressed in rules of procedure
☐ The body may draft legislation
☐ The body may inquire into policy and legislation, and may call
witnesses and for submissions
☐ The body may report to Parliament
Decision making procedures
☐ Decisions are taken by consensus
☐ Decisions are taken by a vote
8. Do you think the structure and organization of the women’s parliamentary body allows it to work
effectively?
Please explain your answer
9a. What is the membership of the body? (Please tick all that apply)
☐ Voluntary ☐ All women MPs ☐ Women MPs from
a single chamber
(if bicameral)
☐ Women MPs of a single
party or a parliamentary
party group
☐ Ex-parliamentary
representatives of
political parties
☐ Representatives
of civil society
☐ Representatives
of international
organizations
☐ Other
Please provide details
9b. Is there a formal or written procedure for accepting members?
☐ No
10. Can men become members of the body?
☐ No ☐ Yes ☐ If yes, how many men participate in the body?
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
92
Activities of the parliamentary body
11. Has the body organized capacity building training for members on the following? (Please tick all
that apply)
☐ Definitions and application of gender equality, gender mainstreaming and gender sensitive parliaments
☐ Public speaking, negotiation and persuasion skills
☐ Chairing meetings and other leadership skills
☐ Conflict resolution
☐ Building a voter base
☐ Representing and championing constituents’ interests in Parliament
☐ Parliamentary procedures
☐ Forging issue-based coalitions
☐ Legislative drafting
12. How effective has the body been in gaining political support across party lines in the following
areas? (Please tick the most applicable response for each area)
Very Fairly Somewhat Not at all Don’t know
Non discrimination/equal
opportunities
Women’s political participation
(special measures)
Violence against women
Prostitution/trafficking
Labour/Employment/Benefits
Equal pay
Inheritance rights
Citizenship/status law
Healthcare
Reproductive rights
Children’s rights
Reform of parliamentary rules of
procedures
13. How effectively does the body work in the following areas?
(Please tick the most applicable response for each area and provide an example)
Very Fairly Somewhat Not at all Please
provide an
example
Influencing policy and legislation
Monitoring and evaluation of
government policy and legislation
Coalition building around an issue
Appendix 93
Raising awareness on gender
equality issues among constituents
Holding press conferences
Commissioning research to inform
parliamentary debates
Holding discussions with civil society,
business groups, academia, and
government departments on gender
equality issues
Holding discussions with ministers
on gender equality issues
Mentoring of current and future MPs
Lobbying for women’s promotion to
positions of leadership in parliament
Fundraising
Harmonising donor funding and
international organization support
Holding social events for members
Raising awareness on gender
equality issues among parliamentary
staff
Advocating for non-discriminatory,
gender-sensitive working culture
International networking
14. What have been significant achievements of the body since it was created?
Please cite any laws initiated/passed/amended; any events held; any oversight activity organized
Relationships with other organizations
15. How effectively does the body interact with the following bodies and organizations?
(Please tick the most applicable response for each organization)
Very Fairly Somewhat Not at all There is no
relationship
Other parliamentary bodies
dealing with gender equality in the
Parliament (e.g. committee)
Other parliamentary women’s bodies
at the sub-national level
Parliamentary women’s bodies in
other countries
Other organs of the Parliament (e.g.
Executive body)
Political party(s) of Government
Political party(s) of the Opposition
Independents
The media
National women’s machinery
Civil society organizations
Universities and research institutes
The Ombudsperson
International organizations
Challenges and obstacles
16. To what extent do the following pose challenges or obstacles for the body?
(Please tick the most applicable response for each challenge)
Significant Fair Not a great
deal
Not
at all
Cultural norms and stereotypes about
women in society
Discriminatory or sexist working culture
in Parliament
Lack of support from party leaders to work across
party lines
Lack of solidarity among women
Lack of resources
Lack of dedicated support staff
Lack of reliable information/research on
gender equality issues, including a lack of sex-
disaggregated data
Please list any additional challenges
you have encountered
17. In your opinion, how can these challenges be overcome?
Please provide your answer
Thank you for your time and considered responses!
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OSCEs Parlamentariske Forsamling 2013-14
OSCE Alm.del Bilag 2
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