2022 Strategic Concept

NATO 2022
STRATEGIC
CONCEPT
Offentligt
NPA Alm.del - Bilag 30
NATO's Parlamentariske Forsamling 2021-22
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Preface
We, the Heads of State and Government of the NATO Allies, have come together in Madrid
at a critical time for our security and for international peace and stability. Today, we
endorse a new Strategic Concept to ensure our Alliance remains fit and resourced for the
future.
For more than seventy years, NATO has ensured the freedom and security of Allies. Our
success is the result of the service and sacrifice of the women and men of our armed
services. We owe them and their families a great debt of gratitude.
We remain steadfast in our resolve to protect our one billion citizens, defend our territory
and safeguard our freedom and democracy. We will reinforce our unity, cohesion and
solidarity, building on the enduring transatlantic bond between our nations and the
strength of our shared democratic values. We reiterate our steadfast commitment to the
North Atlantic Treaty and to defending each other from all threats, no matter where they
stem from.
Wewillcontinuetoworktowardsjust,inclusiveandlastingpeaceandremainabulwarkof
the rules-based international order. We will retain a global perspective and work closely
with our partners, other countries and international organisations, such as the European
Union and the United Nations, to contribute to international peace and security.
Our world is contested and unpredictable. The Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine has shattered peace and gravely altered our security environment. Its
brutal and unlawful invasion, repeated violations of international humanitarian law and
heinous attacks and atrocities have caused unspeakable suffering and destruction. A
strong, independent Ukraine is vital for the stability of the Euro-Atlantic area. Moscow’s
behaviour reflects a pattern of Russian aggressive actions against its neighbours and
the wider transatlantic community. We also face the persistent threat of terrorism, in
all its forms and manifestations. Pervasive instability, rising strategic competition and
advancing authoritarianism challenge the Alliance’s interests and values.
Our new Strategic Concept reaffirms that NATO’s key purpose is to ensure our collective
defence, based on a 360-degree approach. It defines the Alliance’s three core tasks:
deterrence and defence; crisis prevention and management; and cooperative security.
We underscore the need to significantly strengthen our deterrence and defence as the
backbone of our Article 5 commitment to defend each other.
The fundamental purpose of NATO’s nuclear capability is to preserve peace, prevent
coercion and deter aggression. As long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain
a nuclear alliance. NATO’s goal is a safer world for all; we seek to create the security
environment for a world without nuclear weapons.
The Strategic Concept emphasises that ensuring our national and collective resilience
is critical to all our core tasks and underpins our efforts to safeguard our nations,
societies and shared values. It also emphasises the cross-cutting importance of investing
in technological innovation and integrating climate change, human security and the
Women, Peace, and Security agenda across all our core tasks.
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Our vision is clear: we want to live in a world where sovereignty, territorial integrity,
human rights and international law are respected and where each country can choose
its own path, free from aggression, coercion or subversion. We work with all who share
these goals. We stand together, as Allies, to defend our freedom and contribute to a more
peaceful world.
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Purpose and Principles
1. NATO is determined to safeguard the freedom and security of Allies. Its key purpose
and greatest responsibility is to ensure our collective defence, against all threats, from
all directions. We are a defensive Alliance.
2. The transatlantic bond between our nations is indispensable to our security. We are
bound together by common values: individual liberty, human rights, democracy and
the rule of law. We remain firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty.
3. NATO is the unique, essential and indispensable transatlantic forum to consult,
coordinate and act on all matters related to our individual and collective security. We
will strengthen our Alliance based on our indivisible security, solidarity, and ironclad
commitment to defend each other, as enshrined in Article 5 of the North Atlantic
Treaty. Our ability to deter and defend is the backbone of that commitment.
4. NATO will continue to fulfil three core tasks: deterrence and defence; crisis prevention
and management; and cooperative security. These are complementary to ensure the
collective defence and security of all Allies.
5. We will enhance our individual and collective resilience and technological edge.
These efforts are critical to fulfil the Alliance’s core tasks. We will promote good
governance and integrate climate change, human security and the Women, Peace,
and Security agenda across all our tasks. We will continue to advance gender equality
as a reflection of our values.
Strategic Environment
6. The Euro-Atlantic area is not at peace. The Russian Federation has violated the norms
andprinciplesthatcontributedtoastableandpredictableEuropeansecurityorder.We
cannot discount the possibility of an attack against Allies’ sovereignty and territorial
integrity. Strategic competition, pervasive instability and recurrent shocks define our
broader security environment. The threats we face are global and interconnected.
7. Authoritarian actors challenge our interests, values and democratic way of life. They
are investing in sophisticated conventional, nuclear and missile capabilities, with
little transparency or regard for international norms and commitments. Strategic
competitors test our resilience and seek to exploit the openness, interconnectedness
and digitalisation of our nations. They interfere in our democratic processes and
institutions and target the security of our citizens through hybrid tactics, both directly
and through proxies. They conduct malicious activities in cyberspace and space,
promote disinformation campaigns, instrumentalise migration, manipulate energy
supplies and employ economic coercion. These actors are also at the forefront of
a deliberate effort to undermine multilateral norms and institutions and promote
authoritarian models of governance.
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8. The Russian Federation is the most significant and direct threat to Allies’ security
and to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area. It seeks to establish spheres of
influenceanddirectcontrolthroughcoercion,subversion,aggressionandannexation.
It uses conventional, cyber and hybrid means against us and our partners. Its coercive
military posture, rhetoric and proven willingness to use force to pursue its political
goals undermine the rules-based international order. The Russian Federation is
modernising its nuclear forces and expanding its novel and disruptive dual-capable
delivery systems, while employing coercive nuclear signalling. It aims to destabilise
countries to our East and South. In the High North, its capability to disrupt Allied
reinforcements and freedom of navigation across the North Atlantic is a strategic
challenge to the Alliance. Moscow’s military build-up, including in the Baltic, Black
and Mediterranean Sea regions, along with its military integration with Belarus,
challenge our security and interests.
9. NATO does not seek confrontation and poses no threat to the Russian Federation.
We will continue to respond to Russian threats and hostile actions in a united and
responsible way. We will significantly strengthen deterrence and defence for all Allies,
enhance our resilience against Russian coercion and support our partners to counter
malign interference and aggression. In light of its hostile policies and actions, we
cannot consider the Russian Federation to be our partner. However, we remain willing
to keep open channels of communication with Moscow to manage and mitigate risks,
prevent escalation and increase transparency. We seek stability and predictability in
the Euro-Atlantic area and between NATO and the Russian Federation. Any change in
our relationship depends on the Russian Federation halting its aggressive behaviour
and fully complying with international law.
10. Terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, is the most direct asymmetric threat
to the security of our citizens and to international peace and prosperity. Terrorist
organisations seek to attack or inspire attacks against Allies. They have expanded
their networks, enhanced their capabilities and invested in new technologies to
improve their reach and lethality. Non-state armed groups, including transnational
terrorist networks and state supported actors, continue to exploit conflict and weak
governance to recruit, mobilise and expand their foothold.
11. Conflict, fragility and instability in Africa and the Middle East directly affect our
security and the security of our partners. NATO’s southern neighbourhood,
particularly the Middle East, North Africa and Sahel regions, faces interconnected
security, demographic, economic and political challenges. These are aggravated
by the impact of climate change, fragile institutions, health emergencies and food
insecurity. This situation provides fertile ground for the proliferation of non-state
armed groups, including terrorist organisations. It also enables destabilising and
coercive interference by strategic competitors.
12. Pervasive instability results in violence against civilians, including conflict-related
sexual violence, as well as attacks against cultural property and environmental
damage.Itcontributestoforceddisplacement,fuellinghumantraffickingandirregular
migration. These trends pose serious transnational and humanitarian challenges.
They undermine human and state security and have a disproportionate impact on
women, children and minority groups.
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13. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) stated ambitions and coercive policies
challenge our interests, security and values. The PRC employs a broad range of
political, economic and military tools to increase its global footprint and project
power, while remaining opaque about its strategy, intentions and military build-up.
The PRC’s malicious hybrid and cyber operations and its confrontational rhetoric and
disinformation target Allies and harm Alliance security. The PRC seeks to control key
technological and industrial sectors, critical infrastructure, and strategic materials
and supply chains. It uses its economic leverage to create strategic dependencies
and enhance its influence. It strives to subvert the rules-based international order,
including in the space, cyber and maritime domains. The deepening strategic
partnership between the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation and
their mutually reinforcing attempts to undercut the rules-based international order
run counter to our values and interests.
14. We remain open to constructive engagement with the PRC, including to build
reciprocal transparency, with a view to safeguarding the Alliance’s security interests.
We will work together responsibly, as Allies, to address the systemic challenges posed
by the PRC to Euro-Atlantic security and ensure NATO’s enduring ability to guarantee
the defence and security of Allies. We will boost our shared awareness, enhance
our resilience and preparedness, and protect against the PRC’s coercive tactics and
efforts to divide the Alliance. We will stand up for our shared values and the rules-
based international order, including freedom of navigation.
15. Cyberspace is contested at all times. Malign actors seek to degrade our critical
infrastructure, interfere with our government services, extract intelligence, steal
intellectual property and impede our military activities.
16. Strategic competitors and potential adversaries are investing in technologies
that could restrict our access and freedom to operate in space, degrade our space
capabilities, target our civilian and military infrastructure, impair our defence and
harm our security.
17. Emerging and disruptive technologies bring both opportunities and risks. They are
alteringthecharacterofconflict,acquiringgreaterstrategicimportanceandbecoming
key arenas of global competition. Technological primacy increasingly influences
success on the battlefield.
18. The erosion of the arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation architecture
has negatively impacted strategic stability. The Russian Federation’s violations and
selective implementation of its arms control obligations and commitments have
contributed to the deterioration of the broader security landscape. The potential use
of Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear materials or weapons against NATO
by hostile state and non-state actors remains a threat to our security. Iran and North
Korea continue to develop their nuclear and missile programmes. Syria, North Korea
and the Russian Federation, along with non-state actors, have resorted to the use of
chemical weapons. The PRC is rapidly expanding its nuclear arsenal and is developing
increasingly sophisticated delivery systems, without increasing transparency or
engaging in good faith in arms control or risk reduction.
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19. Climate change is a defining challenge of our time, with a profound impact on Allied
security. It is a crisis and threat multiplier. It can exacerbate conflict, fragility and
geopolitical competition. Increasing temperatures cause rising sea levels, wildfires
andmorefrequentandextremeweatherevents,disruptingoursocieties,undermining
our security and threatening the lives and livelihoods of our citizens. Climate change
also affects the way our armed forces operate. Our infrastructure, assets and bases
are vulnerable to its effects. Our forces need to operate in more extreme climate
conditions and our militaries are more frequently called upon to assist in disaster
relief.
NATO’s Core Tasks
Deterrence and Defence
20. While NATO is a defensive Alliance, no one should doubt our strength and resolve
to defend every inch of Allied territory, preserve the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of all Allies and prevail against any aggressor. In an environment of strategic
competition, we will enhance our global awareness and reach to deter, defend,
contest and deny across all domains and directions, in line with our 360-degree
approach. NATO’s deterrence and defence posture is based on an appropriate mix of
nuclear, conventional and missile defence capabilities, complemented by space and
cyber capabilities. It is defensive, proportionate and fully in line with our international
commitments. We will employ military and non-military tools in a proportionate,
coherent and integrated way to respond to all threats to our security in the manner,
timing and in the domain of our choosing.
21. We will significantly strengthen our deterrence and defence posture to deny any
potential adversary any possible opportunities for aggression. To that end, we will
ensure a substantial and persistent presence on land, at sea, and in the air, including
through strengthened integrated air and missile defence. We will deter and defend
forward with robust in-place, multi-domain, combat-ready forces, enhanced
command and control arrangements, prepositioned ammunition and equipment and
improved capacity and infrastructure to rapidly reinforce any Ally, including at short
or no notice. We will adjust the balance between in-place forces and reinforcement to
strengthen deterrence and the Alliance’s ability to defend. Commensurate with the
threats we face, we will ensure our deterrence and defence posture remains credible,
flexible, tailored and sustainable.
22. We will continue to enhance the collective readiness, responsiveness, deployability,
integration and interoperability of our forces. We will individually and collectively
deliver the full range of forces, capabilities, plans, resources, assets and infrastructure
needed for deterrence and defence, including for high-intensity, multi-domain
warfighting against nuclear-armed peer-competitors. We will ensure a robust,
resilient and integrated command structure, increase the alignment of national and
NATO defence plans and strengthen and modernise the NATO force structure. We
will strengthen training and exercising, adapt and streamline our decision-making
processes, enhance our planning and improve the effectiveness of our crisis response
system.
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23. Maritime security is key to our peace and prosperity. We will strengthen our posture
and situational awareness to deter and defend against all threats in the maritime
domain, uphold freedom of navigation, secure maritime trade routes and protect our
main lines of communications.
24. We will expedite our digital transformation, adapt the NATO Command Structure for
the information age and enhance our cyber defences, networks and infrastructure.
We will promote innovation and increase our investments in emerging and disruptive
technologies to retain our interoperability and military edge. We will work together to
adopt and integrate new technologies, cooperate with the private sector, protect our
innovation ecosystems, shape standards and commit to principles of responsible use
that reflect our democratic values and human rights.
25. Maintaining secure use of and unfettered access to space and cyberspace are key to
effective deterrence and defence. We will enhance our ability to operate effectively in
space and cyberspace to prevent, detect, counter and respond to the full spectrum
of threats, using all available tools. A single or cumulative set of malicious cyber
activities; or hostile operations to, from, or within space; could reach the level of
armed attack and could lead the North Atlantic Council to invoke Article 5 of the North
Atlantic Treaty. We recognise the applicability of international law and will promote
responsible behaviour in cyberspace and space. We will also boost the resilience of
the space and cyber capabilities upon which we depend for our collective defence
and security.
26. We will pursue a more robust, integrated and coherent approach to building national
and Alliance-wide resilience against military and non-military threats and challenges
to our security, as a national responsibility and a collective commitment rooted in
Article 3 of the North Atlantic Treaty. We will work towards identifying and mitigating
strategic vulnerabilities and dependencies, including with respect to our critical
infrastructure, supply chains and health systems. We will enhance our energy security
andinvestinastableandreliableenergysupply,suppliersandsources.Wewillensure
civil preparedness to provide for continuity of government, the delivery of essential
services to our populations and civil support to our armed forces. We will boost our
capacity to prepare for, resist, respond to, and quickly recover from strategic shocks
and disruptions, and ensure the continuity of the Alliance’s activities.
27. We will invest in our ability to prepare for, deter, and defend against the coercive use
of political, economic, energy, information and other hybrid tactics by states and non-
state actors. Hybrid operations against Allies could reach the level of armed attack
and could lead the North Atlantic Council to invoke Article 5 of the North Atlantic
Treaty. We will continue to support our partners to counter hybrid challenges and
seek to maximise synergies with other relevant actors, such as the European Union.
28. The fundamental purpose of NATO’s nuclear capability is to preserve peace, prevent
coercion and deter aggression. Nuclear weapons are unique. The circumstances in
whichNATOmighthavetousenuclearweaponsareextremelyremote.Anyemployment
of nuclear weapons against NATO would fundamentally alter the nature of a conflict.
The Alliance has the capabilities and resolve to impose costs on an adversary that
would be unacceptable and far outweigh the benefits that any adversary could hope
to achieve.
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29. The strategic nuclear forces of the Alliance, particularly those of the United States,
are the supreme guarantee of the security of the Alliance. The independent strategic
nuclearforcesoftheUnitedKingdomandFrancehaveadeterrentroleoftheirownand
contribute significantly to the overall security of the Alliance. These Allies’ separate
centres of decision-making contribute to deterrence by complicating the calculations
of potential adversaries. NATO’s nuclear deterrence posture also relies on the United
States’ nuclear weapons forward-deployed in Europe and the contributions of
Allies concerned. National contributions of dual capable aircraft to NATO’s nuclear
deterrence mission remain central to this effort.
30. NATO will take all necessary steps to ensure the credibility, effectiveness, safety and
security of the nuclear deterrent mission. The Alliance is committed to ensuring
greater integration and coherence of capabilities and activities across all domains
and the spectrum of conflict, while reaffirming the unique and distinct role of
nuclear deterrence. NATO will continue to maintain credible deterrence, strengthen
its strategic communications, enhance the effectiveness of its exercises and reduce
strategic risks.
31. We will continue to invest in our defence against chemical, biological, radiological and
nuclear threats. We will enhance our policies, plans, training and exercises and assess
our capabilities to ensure that these requirements are integrated into our deterrence
and defence posture.
32. Strategic stability, delivered through effective deterrence and defence, arms control
and disarmament, and meaningful and reciprocal political dialogue remains essential
to our security. Arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation strongly contribute
to the Alliance’s objectives. Allies’ efforts on arms control, disarmament and non-
proliferation aim to reduce risk and enhance security, transparency, verification,
and compliance. We will pursue all elements of strategic risk reduction, including
promoting confidence building and predictability through dialogue, increasing
understanding, and establishing effective crisis management and prevention tools.
These efforts will take the prevailing security environment and the security of all Allies
into account and complement the Alliance’s deterrence and defence posture. We will
make use of NATO as a platform for in-depth discussion and close consultations on
arms control efforts.
33. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty is the essential bulwark against the spread
of nuclear weapons and we remain strongly committed to its full implementation,
including Article VI. NATO’s goal is to create the security environment for a world
without nuclear weapons, consistent with the goals of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty.
34. Countering terrorism is essential to our collective defence. NATO’s role in the fight
against terrorism contributes to all three core tasks and is integral to the Alliance’s
360-degree approach to deterrence and defence. Terrorist organisations threaten
the security of our populations, forces and territory. We will continue to counter,
deter, defend and respond to threats and challenges posed by terrorist groups, based
on a combination of prevention, protection and denial measures. We will enhance
cooperation with the international community, including the United Nations and the
European Union, to tackle the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism.
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Crisis Prevention and Management
35. NATO Allies have a shared interest in contributing to stability and managing conflicts
together through NATO. We will continue to work to prevent and respond to crises
when these have the potential to affect Allied security. We will build on the unique
capabilities and expertise we have acquired in crisis management. To that end, we will
invest in crisis response, preparedness and management, through regular exercises
and leverage our ability to coordinate, conduct sustain and support multinational
crisis response operations.
36. We will ensure the resources, capabilities, training and command and control
arrangements to deploy and sustain military and civilian crisis management,
stabilisationandcounter-terrorismoperations,includingatstrategicdistance.Building
on the lessons learned over the past three decades, including through our operations
in Afghanistan, we will continue to improve our readiness, our military and civilian
capabilities and civil-military planning and coordination. We will further develop the
Alliance’s ability to support civilian crisis management and relief operations and to
prepare for the effects of climate change, food insecurity and health emergencies on
Allied security. This will allow us to respond to any contingency at short notice.
37. Partners make an important contribution to NATO-led crisis management. We will
continue to ensure sustained political engagement and military interoperability with
partners who express an interest in contributing to our missions and operations.
38. We will increase our efforts to anticipate and prevent crises and conflicts. Prevention
is a sustainable way to contribute to stability and Allied security. We will enhance
supportforourpartners,includingtohelpbuildtheircapacitytocounterterrorismand
address shared security challenges. We will scale up the size and scope of our security
and capacity-building assistance to vulnerable partners in our neighbourhood and
beyond, to strengthen their preparedness and resilience and boost their capabilities
to counter malign interference, prevent destabilisation and counter aggression.
39. Human security, including the protection of civilians and civilian harm mitigation, is
central to our approach to crisis prevention and management. We will work with other
international actors to address the broader conditions fuelling crises and pervasive
instability and contribute to stabilisation and reconstruction. We will reinforce our
coordination and cooperation with the United Nations and the European Union, as
well as with other regional organisations such as the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe and the African Union.
Cooperative Security
40. NATO’s enlargement has been a historic success. It has strengthened our Alliance,
ensured the security of millions of European citizens and contributed to peace and
stability in the Euro-Atlantic area. We reaffirm our Open Door policy, consistent with
Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty, as an expression of our fundamental values
and our strategic interest in Euro-Atlantic peace and stability. Our door remains open
to all European democracies that share the values of our Alliance, which are willing
and able to assume the responsibilities and obligations of membership, and whose
membership contributes to our common security. Decisions on membership are
taken by NATO Allies and no third party has a say in this process.
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41. The security of countries aspiring to become members of the Alliance is intertwined
with our own. We strongly support their independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity. We will strengthen political dialogue and cooperation with those who aim
to join the Alliance, help strengthen their resilience against malign interference,
build their capabilities, and enhance our practical support to advance their Euro-
Atlantic aspirations. We will continue to develop our partnerships with Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Georgia and Ukraine to advance our common interest in Euro-Atlantic
peace, stability and security. We reaffirm the decision we took at the 2008 Bucharest
Summit and all subsequent decisions with respect to Georgia and Ukraine.
42. Political dialogue and practical cooperation with partners, based on mutual respect
and benefit, contribute to stability beyond our borders, enhance our security at
home and support NATO’s core tasks. Partnerships are crucial to protect the global
commons, enhance our resilience and uphold the rules-based international order.
43. The European Union is a unique and essential partner for NATO. NATO Allies and EU
members share the same values. NATO and the EU play complementary, coherent
and mutually reinforcing roles in supporting international peace and security. On
the basis of our longstanding cooperation, we will enhance the NATO-EU strategic
partnership, strengthen political consultations and increase cooperation on issues
of common interest, such as military mobility, resilience, the impact of climate
change on security, emerging and disruptive technologies, human security, the
Women, Peace and Security agenda, as well as countering cyber and hybrid threats
and addressing the systemic challenges posed by the PRC to Euro-Atlantic security.
For the development of the strategic partnership between NATO and the EU, non-
EU Allies’ fullest involvement in EU defence efforts is essential. NATO recognises the
value of a stronger and more capable European defence that contributes positively
to transatlantic and global security and is complementary to, and interoperable
with NATO. Initiatives to increase defence spending and develop coherent, mutually
reinforcing capabilities, while avoiding unnecessary duplications, are key to our joint
efforts to make the Euro-Atlantic area safer.
44. We will strengthen our ties with partners that share the Alliance’s values and interest
in upholding the rules-based international order. We will enhance dialogue and
cooperationtodefendthatorder,upholdourvaluesandprotectthesystems,standards
and technologies on which they depend. We will increase outreach to countries in our
broader neighbourhood and across the globe and remain open to engagement with
any country or organisation, when doing so could bolster our mutual security. Our
approach will remain interest-driven, flexible, focused on addressing shared threats
and challenges, and able to adapt to changing geopolitical realities.
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45. The Western Balkans and the Black Sea region are of strategic importance for the
Alliance. We will continue to support the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of interested
countries in these regions. We will enhance efforts to bolster their capabilities to
address the distinct threats and challenges they face and boost their resilience against
malign third-party interference and coercion. We will work with partners to tackle
shared security threats and challenges in regions of strategic interest to the Alliance,
including the Middle East and North Africa and the Sahel regions. The Indo-Pacific is
important for NATO, given that developments in that region can directly affect Euro-
Atlantic security. We will strengthen dialogue and cooperation with new and existing
partners in the Indo-Pacific to tackle cross-regional challenges and shared security
interests.
46. NATO should become the leading international organisation when it comes to
understanding and adapting to the impact of climate change on security. The Alliance
will lead efforts to assess the impact of climate change on defence and security
and address those challenges. We will contribute to combatting climate change by
reducing greenhouse gas emissions, improving energy efficiency, investing in the
transition to clean energy sources and leveraging green technologies, while ensuring
military effectiveness and a credible deterrence and defence posture.
Ensuring the Alliance’s Continued Success
47. Investing in NATO is the best way to ensure the enduring bond between European
and North American Allies, while contributing to global peace and stability. We will
continue to reinforce our political unity and solidarity and to broaden and deepen our
consultations to address all matters that affect our security. We commit to reinforce
consultations when the security and stability of an Ally is threatened or when our
fundamental values and principles are at risk.
48. We will share equitably responsibilities and risks for our defence and security. We will
provide all the necessary resources, infrastructure, capabilities and forces to deliver
fully on our core tasks and implement our decisions. We will ensure our nations meet
the commitments under the Defence Investment Pledge, in its entirety, to provide
the full range of required capabilities. We will build on the progress made to ensure
that increased national defence expenditures and NATO common funding will be
commensurate with the challenges of a more contested security order.
49. NATO is indispensable to Euro-Atlantic security. It guarantees our peace, freedom and
prosperity. As Allies, we will continue to stand together to defend our security, values,
and democratic way of life.
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